Archive | Land,Agriculture

Parliamentary Overview 12 June 2019….

 

Changing the guard…  

Plenty of note for business has happened legislatively during the parliamentary recess but perhaps none so important as the re-structuring of Cabinet. As a result  there will be a change in the appropriate portfolio committees to reflect any changes and a consequent shift in portfolio responsibility for various Bills held over from the previous Parliament.    In the areas of energy, trade and industry and communications this will be particularly interesting of who gets to be the chairperson in the light of differences emerging within ANC structures.

Parliament will choose its portfolio committee chairpersons for the National Assembly and select committee chairpersons for the National Council of Provinces on 27th June, two days after the State of Nation Address ANC party chairpersons.  These appointments reflect how a government governs on policy and legislation. Through the chairpersons.

Read more..Parliamentary overview 12 June 2019

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Communal Property Bill assists land reform

Reform assisted on communal property 

communal-land-4…sent to clients 21 Oct….The tabling of the Communal Property Associations Amendment Bill could represent a major advance in bringing order to many aspects of government’s land reform policy. In essence, the Bill will ensure that householders have security of tenure and thus have the ability to raise capital before they enter into any agreement on the management of communal land.

The new Bill focuses on developing the practical and legal aspects of ownership of communal land by a communal property association (CPA) whilst at the same time providing security of tenure with a new initial procedure of naming householders to benefit. The draft has now been approved by Cabinet.

Whilst the thrust of government policy on land reform has always been to bring ownership ofland-reform self-sustaining agricultural land to previously disadvantaged communities, the process has been much bedeviled by conflict over land falling under the control of traditional chiefs; the inability of small farmers to raise finance without title and, most important, for households able to enjoy security of tenure.

Communal confusion

An unintended consequence of the original CPA programme launched by government has been that government has not wished to involve itself, nor has any investing entity for that matter, in the community strife and argument over communal land, a feature of many CPAs. Consequently, the CPA system has demonstrated its inability to involve itself in loans, any state support, or receive the support of agricultural assistance programmes.

community-farmIt might be said that CPAs as a structural system is “off the banking radar”, a fact which MPs in parliamentary committee meetings have complained of a number of times.

As a result, expensive trusts have become the order of the day, banks preferring to deal with such entities and even government itself having to use them because of the informality of a CPA and the inability of loan applicant to show security.

The objective of the Act when it was signed into law was to create a new form of juristic person to allow disadvantaged communities to acquire, hold and manage property in common. A community that qualifies in terms of the Act can therefore, on the basis of agreement contained in a written constitution, form a legal entity (the CPA) and thereby become owners of property, including land, via the CPA.

Agricultural reform

A CPA as it currently stands allows its members to become owners of land which has been “prioritised for the provision of infrastructural support to land reform farmers to enable them to create sustainable jobs and alleviate poverty.”

However, over the few years since CPAs were established, it appears from parliamentary Lesedi traditionalportfolio committee meetings, that things have not gone well. In some cases, traditional chiefs had intervened and gained control of land previously under the aegis of the members of a CPA. Meanwhile, traditional chiefs had complained that CPAs were acting like “chiefdoms” in themselves, the department told parliamentarians.

Tweaking and compromising

Some attempts were made by the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform to persuade CPA members to appoint traditional chiefs on an “ex-officio basis” but the situation remained untenable, not necessarily just because of the problem of traditional control but because, due to shortage of staff, they said, had no ability to monitor the situation and no picture of what land was under CPA control, where CPAs were, and their needs.

In addition, no measurement of outcome of any schemes appeared possible, Opposition members complained. Quite clearly, they said, the NDP land reform programme has not been successful to date. Whilst the idea had been along the right tracks, it seemed the system was patently in trouble.

Green Paper study

After two years of investigation, in 2014 the Ministry, produced a Green Paper on the subject. After creating communal property ownership rights, the new proposal in the Paper was to secure individual tenure to each household beforehand, be it a farm-dweller or tenant, and for each household to own its rights at law before the CPA was formed to lock into this.

land-reform-5As per the Act in force, it would be possible for a community or group of persons to have access to a registered title to land through common or joint ownership with every name included (in a deed of transfer) or through a trust (with title vesting in the trustees) or a juristic person (with title vesting in that legal entity). Once registered, the CPA would become a juristic person – that can sue and be sued. It could acquire rights and incur obligations in its own name, in accordance with a CPA constitution.

In a policy statement, a Bill was proposed along these lines with a CPA constitution as before dealing with sub-divisions, servitudes, the right to encumber with a mortgage, deal with leases and settle disputes – all essential to the development of the area concerned but in respect of nominated persons giving those persons therefore security of ownership.

The bigger picture

The new Bill therefore speaks to a process to align a CPA to the broader land reform mandate in terms of the policy statement. The Bill also says a Communal Propertyland-claims-court Associations Office is to be established which is headed by a Registrar of Communal Property Associations. As a result, CPAs will be better equipped, it is felt, to take part in development; its status is recognised and is known to government; and has a secure system of tenure established as a base for ownership.

DHA said the plan was to clearly establish the connection between the land itself and those who live on it and depend on it for agricultural income. With more clearly established security and a need to register for compliance, it is hoped that a CPA structure will present a more viable face to the investing world.
Previous articles on category subject
New approach to land reform – ParlyReportSA
Restitution of Land Rights Act reversed – ParlyReportSA
Land Holdings Bill joins state acquisition trend – ParlyReportSA

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Expropriation Bill grinds on

Expropriation: “public interest” and “property”

3- day précis…sent to clients 2 Nov….. Parties are coming closer during debate in the Portfolio cronin3Committee on Public Works to a slightly watered down Expropriation Bill, with Deputy Minister of Public Works, Jeremy Cronin, leading for the Minister who tabled the Bill before Parliament.

The name of the Bill has not resonated well amongst the international business community in the light of other events in Southern Africa.

Nevertheless, Minister Cronin has stated that eventually such a Bill will succeed, despite the concerns of many parties and that the proposed Bill has no malevolent purpose other than assisting “in the public interest”.

The public interest?

Therein lies the problem in that it remains a state responsibility to decide what the public’s interest is and which “public” is the subject matter of any decision for invoking the legislation.   As is the case with so much legislation at the moment, it is therefore a question of the wording of the Minister’s powers and the definitions of the tools at his or her disposal which is of debate.

Most of the debate earlier had centered around the definition of “property to be expropriated” in the light of the fact that the Bill cannot exceed the powers of the Constitution, wherein the word “property” is also not expanded upon – a number of court precedents arising previously where no final determination was made on the subject.

Calling in the Constitution

At one stage, the Deputy Minister proposed that “property” could be defined as “contemplated in section 25 of the Constitution”, the Deputy Minister considering this a major concession by the Department.  However, Opposition members still claimed that the word “property” could not be used in any piece of legislation without a definition of the term “property” also being listed and also in the knowledge that such terminology could not be contextualized even in terms of the Constitution.

On what could be expropriated, the Deputy Minister presented another alternative wording stating the that “the Minister’s power to expropriate property applies to property which is connected to the provision and management of the accommodation, land and infrastructure needs of an organ of state, in terms of his or her mandate”.

This was not found to be satisfactory either by the Committee since the term “that does not fall within his mandate” was vague and could be determined in any number of ways and open to any kind of interpretation.

The Deputy Minister was advised by senior counsel the way the Constitutional Court defined property land seizureremained “ a moving target”, especially section 25, and also in the Bill of Rights and this matter needed to be looked at again.

New draft for discussion

The Deputy Minister is to return to the next meeting with a further proposal on the definition of property issue which would possibly be part of a “B” version of the Bill, then to be reconsidered in totality by the committee. Such will be ready in a few days.

Another alteration of major importance so far is that a new wording using the expression “disputing party” has used in some cases instead of “claimant”. This is now used to describe “claimants” where they no longer are such in the process of expropriation, particularly in not accepting the amount of compensation offered. This is important, as thus the Bill and the parties will accept that indeed a dispute has occurred.

Two months in debate

At this stage the Bill has had three full days of “clause by clause” debate with more to come, draft clauses flying backwards and forwards, the final to be proposed by the Minister as agreed to and under the guidance of the State Law Advisor representing the State’s last offer of compromise and agreement to change wording and those changes as so far agreed to by the Committee.

Minister Cronin still maintains infrastructure projects are being held up, having to be changed or stopped. He had earlier called upon Eskom to give evidence of this.

There is general agreement that Deputy Minister Jeremy Cronin has bent over backwards with subsequent alterations to meet demands but there still exists amongst Opposition a feeling that ulterior motives exist for the legislation and the legislation is not simply “to assist Eskom buy land for electricity development”, as Minister Cronin first declared.  In the background is the threat of a constitutional challenge but this has dissipated somewhat.

The “E” word

pylonsMuch of the debate has also centered around the issues of “municipal planning” and “powers of municipal mangers” giving credence to Minister Cronin’s views. He has said the word “expropriation” is a loaded expression at this time in Africa’s history and has an unfortunate influence on the necessity for the Bill to proceed.

There is also change, seen by Opposition members as an improvement, which deals with the mediation process which previously allowed the expropriating authority to use the absence of a timeous response to bypass the process of mediation. This is not now the case, the issue of mediation being allowed to proceed under any circumstances should this be required.

Progress

More debate is to follow in subsequent days but a final document will no doubt be voted on by the committee shortly before going to the National Assembly, probably in this session of Parliament. In a meeting subsequently, a “B” version of the Bill was introduced and Chapter 4 on Intentions to Expropriate and Expropriation of Property was completed to the satisfaction of most, leaving the impression that much of the steam about the Bill in general had been reduced.

The issue of the definition of “property”, however, still remains a contentious issue simply because of legal determinations.  On 21 October, to expropriate where there was a mortgage bond was debated at length and satisfaction reached and that notice to the expropriated party and any farm workers or dwellers must be simultaneous before the issue of “just and equitable compensation” is considered.

More serious issues

On 27 October the major issue of debate involved the term of “just and equitable” compensation in the Constitution and how this would be applied to the expropriation process in the Bill.

Also debated was the question of a large community being expropriated and whether water availability, dwelling provision and the needs of a community restored. The Minister explained that the Expropriation Bill per se was about expropriation and the process and not about land reform and for this process there was plenty of legislation already to hand and new legislation planned.

The following week of November, however, should see this matter resolved mid-month providing hecronin current NEHAWU strike action of disturbing meetings does not continue, but whether all will be to the satisfaction of each party has become somewhat academic, it becoming more and more evident that Deputy Minister Cronin, who has handled each stage of the process personally, seems determined, in his patient and determined way, to see this Bill through with the property clause undefined.

Last minute attack

The EFF attempted to delete the whole of chapter 5 on compensation in the Bill as they maintained that the subject matter was expropriation, not compensation at all but such a suggestion was put aside by the chairperson Ben Martins as a political ploy rather than a serious contribution.

Other articles in this category or as background
Expropriation Bill phrases could be re-drafted – ParlyReportSA
Expropriation Bill has now to be faced – ParlyReportSA
Zuma goes for traditional support with expropriation – ParlyReportSA
Expropriation of land stays constitutional – ParlyReportSA
Amended Expropriation Bill returns – ParlyReportSA

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Expropriation Bill has now to be faced

Much of the sting goes out of Expropriation Bill…..

landseizuresThe subject of expropriation, not necessarily of land but any property, has now reached the stage of a considerably watered down third Bill which has now been tabled and whilst there are grumbles from many quarters, it appears that the new Bill has not caused the same furore as its predecessors.

The long awaited Expropriation Bill (B4-2015) came before Parliament in the form for a briefing to the portfolio committee of public works attended by the minister of public works, Thulas Nxesi, the briefing itself remaining very much in the hands of the deputy minister, Jeremy Cronin.

Great emphasis was laid by both ministers on the difference between expropriation as a “public purpose” and expropriation “in the public interest”, a difference they said that was clearly laid out in South Africa’s Constitution.

Public purpose, public interest

nxesiMinister Nxesi in his introduction said if there was a need to put up electricity lines or build a road, it was then for a “public purpose” and he saw that there could be no argument – a statement which was later queried by opposition members.

However, minister Nxesi said, expropriating property for “public interest” had to pass a rigorous rationality test as stipulated in the Constitution but a major problem with all Bills previously tabled was that there was no recourse to the courts and on this issue the cabinet had decided to withdraw them. Jeremy Cronin seemed to come to the rescue with a far more detailed and rational presentation.  

He argued that expropriation was an essential mechanism or tool for any state in any country to acquire property under certain instances but much emphasis had been laid in South Africa on the issue of land and white commercial farmers.

He admitted that whilst “public interest includes the nation’s commitment to land reform” in the Bill before them, a fact emphasised in the preamble to the Bill, the proposed legislation was very much in the nature of a mechanism to deal with expropriation rather than say who it applied to.

Expropriation just a “tool”

croninMinister Cronin added that this was one of many reforms taking place to bring about equitable access to all South Africa’s natural resources and reforms to redress the results of past racial discriminatory laws or practices. Such a preamble existed in much of South Africa’s legislation since 1984.

He said, “The Constitution requires “just and equitable” compensation to be determined by having regard of all circumstances without placing undue weight on any single or particular factor. National, provincial and local government were empowered to expropriate property to varying degrees through several pieces of legislation, he noted.

Deputy minister Cronin tracked the history of the Bill before them stating that the 1975 Expropriation Act was totally unconstitutional as it gave draconian powers to the state and was “wisely” withdrawn. A further 2007 Bill was also removed on these grounds and the current Bill was unable to be processed for Parliament before the 2014 elections.

In line with Constitution

settlement_law_justice_However, he said, the Expropriation Bill B4-2015 seeks to ensure consistency with the Constitution and to provide uniformity of procedure of all expropriations without interfering with the powers granted to the expropriating authorities.

Opposition members claimed that the Bill enlarged upon the definition of “public interest” contained in the Constitution and the Bill could not do this constitutionally. Nor did the Bill talk to in broad terms to the issue of compensation, whether it be a commercial farm or alternative accommodation for a shack dweller.

They argued that the new Bill did not talk to the issue of the interest of a bank in terms of a mortgage and where the bank might stand on such issues. The Bill now tabled, minister Cronin said, detailed the manner in which the expropriating authority had to follow, as well as setting up the process of evaluation and the authority to do this “in a just and administrative way”.  

On mortgages and loans from a bank, he said it was the bank that will be expropriated and not the individual.

Credibility of Bill challenged

masangoDA member Masango contradicted this and said any agreement or loan was between a person and the bank and not the state and the bank and he asked how the Bill could have possibly got through the NEDLAC process.

He also raised the issue of poor people not be able to afford litigation if the process of expropriation was contested. ANC member Madlopha said “whilst the media had been rubbishing the Bill, saying that it targets white commercial farmers”, the Bill in her mind gave the state power to expropriate with only a simple notice to the property owner, a process which seemed to contradict with common law.

Blaming apartheid and more

Minister Cronin responded along the lines that in expropriation, the property clause in the Bill of Rights guided the process. Indeed, argument, he said, will no doubt occur on “just and equitable compensation matters” but this did not remove “the consideration of colonial injustice”.   

It was the Constitution, he said, that insisted that in determining “justice and equitable” compensation it should include the process of “restitution”. Deputy Minister Cronin commented that expropriation did not just affect white commercial farmers and any compensation would consider the amount of bond outstandings. 

He concluded that the new Bill was attempting to shorten the process of any litigation. He added that the NEDLAC findings on the Bill would be supplied to Parliament and suggested that the committee ask Agric-SA to appear before them to obtain their views.

Other articles in this category or as background

Zuma goes for traditional support with expropriation –

ParlyReportSA New approach to land reform – ParlyReportSA

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Expropriation of land stays constitutional

Minister now quoted in Parly minutes…

In a press media briefing and subsequently in a meeting of the rural development and land reform parliamentary portfolio committee, minister Gugile Nkwinti confirmed that the whole process of land restitution for black persons dispossessed of their land was to be re-opened for a period of five years.   Under questioning, he confirmed that no constitutional changes were envisaged.

During the course of the minister’s departmental presentation on strategy leading to the budget vote, a week later in Parliament, the minister, when confronted by opposition MPs asking for a direct answer as to whether he would call for constitutional change on property rights or not, replied that there was “no such question arising.”

There was considerable satisfaction from opposition members as a consequence since such a statement, they said after the meeting disposed of fears of arbitrary state expropriation of land.

WSWB gone

Nevertheless, the minister was clear in his responses that the process of “willing seller, willing buyer” had been abandoned as a state mechanism.  He emphasised that whilst the principle of market valuation would still apply, it would be up to the new state valuator to establish price and not the parties involved to barter, sometimes endlessly, he commented.

Subsequently, in the newly proposed Bill on property valuation itself, the position was more clearly expressed with the proposal of an office of a Valuer-General,which the department said in its briefing to parliamentarians, had been necessary in order ” to establish an entity to carve through the current settlement process”.

The minister stated during his briefing at the time to parliamentarians that since its inception, the state’s restitution programme had benefited some 370,000 households.   This meant, he said, that some 1.83m persons had benefited so far from the process, as against an estimated 3.5m people who had been “forcibly removed from their land as a result of colonialisation and racial and discriminatory laws”.

The new closing deadline for lodgement of land claims has now been set for mid 2019 and a booklet on how to lodge a claim was circulated amongst members and which is now in public circulation.

The minister emphasised his point that claim forms would not be distributed but that  claimants, whether they be a direct descendant, a juristic person such as a company or trust  or a “representative of a community”, who felt they had a right because they were dispossessed of land rights had to call first upon a land affairs lodgement office.Mobile lodgement offices would visit all areas, the department told MPs, and the lodgement process required no fees.

Backlog

Under questioning, the minister confirmed that over 8,000 claims were still outstanding from the previous lodgement process and that these would be finalised with the new process now being instituted.    R24bn has so far been expended in financial settlements or land purchases.

The minister said he had not set a target for any new claims but he was confident that the programme would be achieved at a faster rate this time around because claims could be lodged electronically.

Disquiet was expressed by some MPs that land acquisition and financial compensation were the choice for claimants.   Some MPs expressed the view that they were “uncomfortable” with a monetary solution as a solution to dispossession as this almost amounted to a bribe.

DA MP Thomas Walters said in his view the reason for the slow rate of land occupation was not, as the ANC claimed, the result of whether or not there was a solution on the willing-buyer, willing-seller principle but rather a reflection of the fact that 92% of land claimants preferred to take cash pay-outs instead of working the land and creating jobs.

Minister Nkwinti stated that both avenues of compensation were a correct solution since in all approved cases, the parties had been wronged and deserved redress.

What started the latest row

As part of the package, minister Nkwinti said, he had made a further proposal, much publicised, that farm workers would be enabled by law to have a share of the land they have worked on according to their service in years.     Public comment had been called for and the results would be put to Parliament.    Only then could the final result become a debatable issue.

Minister Nkwinti made special reference to the complex issues surrounding land acquisition and land claims in the Western Cape, which he said were “very complex”.    In answer to questions on the Khoi and San issues and their claims going back further into South Africa’s history, the minister said the current process was to reverse the legacy of the 1913 Native’s Act and the damage caused by apartheid.

However, he said, some sort of agreement had to be made on the Khoi and San issues and in one instance already such matters had been dealt when applicants had asked for preservation of an area as a heritage site and government had made the acquisition accordingly.    A separate report to the President’s Office was to be made on the Khoi and San issue.

EFF members of the committee rejected the proposals as unworkable and said they “would not turn around the situation where the majority farm workers who had been evicted over the years would see redress and where 40,000 white farm owners remained owning agricultural land.”

Other articles in this category or as background
//parlyreportsa.co.za//cabinetpresidential/new-approach-to-land-reform/
//parlyreportsa.co.za//cabinetpresidential/minister-says-need-for-legislation-on-land-reform-a-priority/

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SA to get coastal management underway

Coastal management includes cities and rural areas …

South Africa’s National Coastal Management Programme (NCMP) is now underway with the publication of working proposals by the department of environmental affairs (DEA) which was accompanied by a call for public comment.

The estimated contribution of coastal resources to the South African economy is in the order of some R5bn and coastal zones, the document says, are estimated to provide approximately 35% of the country’s GDP.   The major coastal cities of Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Durban, and Richards Bay are affected, all four having experienced the fastest economic growth of all cities in the country.

Preservation and good management of the national coastal areas, says DEAT, is therefore essential if South Africa is to continue to provide the roots for economic development, expansion of the tourism industry and the continued provision of recreational needs.   All these factors are created in areas with a very delicate balance of biodiversity, says DEAT.

Economic reasons

Maintaining this balance into future generations is seen by DEAT as one of its major challenges, not only for environmental reasons but for economic reasons as well. A further important objective of the NCMP is to maintain the coastal environment to the benefit of threatened poorer communities and to protect their livelihoods.
DEAT says in its forward to the NCMP that South Africa has chosen to embrace a holistic approach, known as integrated coastal management (ICM), which sets out objectives, management procedures and contains the kind of definitions, norms and standards that enable a basic environmental regulatory process to happen.

The purpose of the anchor ICM Act is to maximize on the eco-benefits provided by coastal zones and to minimize the conflicts and harmful effects of human activities upon each other, both in terms of resources that could be lost and any surrounding environmental damage.

Pointers only

The NCMP, DEAT says, is a working document to assist in implementing ICM objectives and lays out in its 106 pages a deliberate programme of national management actions. It is not regulatory but a working guide.

First, it contains a detailed situation analysis related to coastal management in South Africa across the full spectrum of zones within the country’s 3,000 kms of coastline. Then the document looks at the current threats to ecosystems followed by a study of existing localised and national environmental management programmes.

In providing a “national vision”, the NCMP provides a structured approach to engage with the stakeholders, DEAT says, and “a template for future cooperative governance”.   It also suggests ways to integrate ICM programmes with localised government, the NCMP therefore expanding with practical programmes based on the ICM Act.

However, DEAT makes it clear in a disclaimer that what is published is neither an amending Bill nor a legal or regulatory process but a guide to programmes which are seen by DEAT as the route to take and which can be necessary in the common interest.

Complimentary to NEMA

To emphasise the co-operative nature of what is put forward, DEAT says in the frontispiece to the NCMP, “This document does not in any way have legal authority or take precedence over the National Environmental Management: Integrated Coastal Management Act but rather serves as a guideline to the development of coastal management programmes, expanding on the provisions of the Act”.

Public input on this plan is therefore called for by DEAT. Comment can be made until the end of June.

Concurrently, DEAT has also published its White Paper on National Management of the Ocean, the acronym for which is appropriately NEMO.

This, DEAT says, aims to promote the protection and conservation of South Africa’s ocean environment, as well as promoting sustainable development for present and future generations. It refers in its pages to the extent of South Africa’s ocean environment and deals with issues concerning protection and conservation of the ocean environment and resources of the sea.

The White Paper says the department’s approach to the subject will promote and expand sustainable development and optimise investment in managing the large ocean space which is accessible to the country.
Other articles in this category or as background
//parlyreportsa.co.za//energy/fueloilrenewables/coastal-management-bill-stirs-waters/
//parlyreportsa.co.za//health/coastal-environment-proposals-getting-clearer/

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DOE spells out biofuels and biomass

Biomass, biofuels and jobs……

On the subject of creating biofuels and biomass, the department of energy told parliamentarians that the main objective of any such exercise, if it was undertaken in the agriculture industry, would be to create jobs.       However, such a move towards the use of biomass would not take place if national food or water security was jeapordised in any way.

This answer was given to the portfolio committee on energy by Muzi Mkhize, chief director hydrocarbons, department of energy (DOE), when briefing parliamentarians on DOE’s current strategy towards biofuels.  He said that in the South African context, a specific requirement of the biofuels strategy was to create a link between first and second economies and the focus was not only on jobs but specifically on creating employment in under-developed areas.

Key incentives

Bio-fuels, he said, like most renewables, required incentives in order to be cost-competitive against conventional fuels, the upside of such a direction being the saving in balance of payments, energy supply security and economic growth factors that were more stable that the volatile traditional oil market.

He referred to 2006 estimates, where a targeted 2% biofuels scenario was estimated to create about 25,000 jobs.

With the IPP third round completed, Mkhize said biofuels would contribute to the national renewable energy policy, the director general, DOE, having already advised that 93 independent power producers (IPPs) had applied for licences in the third round of requests for submissions. Thus biomass, he said, together with IPPs were contributing greatly towards targets that South Africa had in the journey to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

As far as biofuels manufacturing facilities were concerned, Mkhize listed eight locations where bioethanol or biodiesel had or were being licensed. He said that biodiesel would fall within the fuel tax net and manufacturers would receive a rebate of 50%. Bioethanol would not, however.

Incentives upgrade

As was the case with all renewable energy projects, a 50:30:20 depreciation allowance on capital investment over three years would apply but DOE had started discussions which were underway to improve incentives as this was not sufficient to attract investors, it was felt.

“Infant industry” incentives over a twenty-year benchmark period were being looked at, he said, with an initial incentive of 3.5c per litre to 4c, to be recovered through a levy to be included in the national monthly price determinations.

Overproduction threat

It was pointed out by parliamentarians that about 229 million litres of fuel were sold annually for about R9,2bn and if all players in the fuel industry joined the process as required, there would be an excess with about 4-6% of biofuels produced over the national call for 2%. Who would take up the excess, they asked.

Mkhize was also asked what agro studies had been done and how were farmers responding to a possible call for biomass crops. Also, they asked, if there was drought or some similar disaster, what would happen to the fuel industry in the reverse case of a shortage of biomass.

Mkhize said there was a general agreement in place only on agricultural biomass and this was “only in the form of mindset until pricing and subsidy issues were finalised, so accordingly the question of national quantities in relation to fuel company needs did not arise”.  However, he confirmed that the fuel industry would not be allowed to suffer from a shortage of biomass delivered.

Treasury and subsidies

In answer to more questions, Mkhize said a licence to produce biomass would not disallow a farmer from switching crops, say from soya to maize.  But, he added, all this was total speculation until “national treasury came up with the answers on subsidies”.

When MPs complained that the picture given by DOE “was no more than a snapshot of where we were on biofuels exactly one year ago”, Mkhize said he was trying to show the milestones that had been reached in the enormously difficult stage that the fuels industry had reached with regard to the entry of biofuels, which was a strategic issue.

Gas the issue

He said there were issues such as LPG remaining the forerunner of natural gas to be investigated as this household market had to expand and added, “We are looking at the system used commercially of bringing gas from Mozambique to Durban and whether this is the basis for further development.”

Mkhize promised his department would deliver shortly on promises to deliver DOE’s plan for gas expansion but this was not part of the biofuels or biomass study. All such matters were intertwined in terms of the integrated resources plan with the eventual integrated energy plan for the whole country.

Making a profit

On new entrants to biomass to fuel production, Mkhize responded to questions that it had been shown that the breakeven point for any biomass plant was a constantly changing factor over a long period and it was difficult to establish at what point a subsidy of, say, 2% would assist.

He said breakeven studies showed from a 2% profit, moving down to 5% loss for a long while, and then eventually moving up to 10% profit had been the standard established and banks did not like that kind of venture. Models he said were difficult to establish that were both profitable in either the short or long term.

There had been great disappointment when oilcake made from soya had proven too costly for biodiesel and it had been found that better recoveries could made through the food industry. This had proved a setback, Mkhize said.

Sugar cane

In answer to queries on sugar cane possibilities for biomass, as practised in Brazil and possible land shortages in South Africa, Mkhize said that the SA Sugar Assoc had said that land was available but that sugar cane was more likely to be linked to co-generation of electricity energy. Brazil, he said, had a vast subsidized lower income biomass agricultural industry but was producing on a large scale for biodiesel, not bioethanol as would be required in SA.

Mkhize concluded that the DOE biofuels task team was studying very carefully the forward national food security and water situation, “because”, he said, “we cannot afford to subsidize an industry in the form of small scale farmers if we are at the same time threatening food security and water availability at the same time.”

Back to jobs

However, he said that the country at the moment could not ignore the huge potential for job creation that could be brought about by such a new industry and the present lack of agricultural knowledge on the subject would eventually be substituted by experience gained by the new entrants as they established themselves.

In answer to questions on where blending would take place and “whether this was upstream or downstream in the fuel industry”, meaning at refineries or at depots it was assumed, Mkhize said a lot would depend on where the crop was grown; the wish to support crops grown in rural areas; sustainable projects that had been developed; and water availability.

previous articles on this subject
//parlyreportsa.co.za//cabinetpresidential/biofuels-development-stays-in-limbo/
//parlyreportsa.co.za//energy/south-africa-at-energy-crossroadsdoe-speaks-out/
//parlyreportsa.co.za//energy/ipp-3-delayed-until-mid-august-says-doe/

Posted in Energy, Facebook and Twitter, Land,Agriculture, LinkedIn, Trade & Industry0 Comments

Land reform: Something very sad is going on

Apartheid debate goes back to land reform….

Minister Manuel and President Zuma are said to have repaired their relationship over Manuel’s demand that the governing party and state departments overcome their obsession of blaming apartheid for all their non-delivery performance statistics such as land reform, which excuse has also been constantly appearing in parliamentary and departmental report backs.

However, there lies a much deeper controversy building and this is maybe why the subject of apartheid, being such a dead-end route, was again raised.

Traditional roots

reed danceIt all goes back to disruption appearing at grass roots level in the apparent attempts by the ruling party to ignore gender “apartheid” in rural areas and what has been described as “locking approximately 16 million people into tribal land divisions ruled by customary law and baron chieftains”, areas originally defined in many cases by the dreadful Land Acts of 1913 and 1936.

But how does this affect business and industry since the matter seems so unrelated to the daily grind and to the economics of running a mining house, an investment business, a manufacturing plant or a marketing venture?

It deeply affects us all in the same way that the failure of the rail system means that commuters can’t get to work and in this case, where delivery of service and utilities goes back to apartheid structures that were unfair, caused fifty years of bloodshed and delivery service is so poor. People, mainly workers, get unhappy, cause unrest and may strike.

Apartheid was about land

We only have to look north from the Middle East to Zimbabwe to see it happening everywhere.   Land is usually the issue that provides thelandseizures grenade pin but refusal to reform is probably the catalyst.

Trevor Manuel is right, of course, from the aspect that we should get on with job of re-building the country and not find lame excuses such as playing the apartheid card as reasons for failure. The explosion from ANC policy makers was immediate and it seemed that Manuel had scored a bulls-eye.

President Zuma responded directly bearing in mind that he leads a determined effort to reinforce legislation that provides support powers to traditional chiefs, originally bestowed in the apartheid years to re-enforce the hated Bantustan division of land, thus re-enforcing the same divisions in what appears to be a chase for rural political power.

Bantustans or homelands

homelandsOriginally apartheid was implemented at every level of society: education, transportation, business, entertainment, employment and religion but at its most fundamental level it was about control of the land. This still forms the base of the problem.

Laws in this area introduced by ANC are the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework of 2003; the Traditional Courts Bill; some eight provincial leadership laws and now before Parliament is the National Traditional Affairs Bill which attempts to bolster the chief’s monopoly on rural land.

All this in the light of the current and completely opposite Restitution Act of 1994 on the statute book on the one hand existing and now supported by the introduction of an Expropriation Bill on the other, all of which seems the very antithesis of support being given to leaving vast tracts of land in the hands of chiefs who govern by their own set of rules and laws.   Traditional courts.

In Britain, the monarchy lost its judicial powers hundreds of years ago and in France the monarchy was simply eradicated.houses of parliament In South Africa, we don’t seem to be able to make up our minds.

It would seem that aside from making a mockery of the land reform programme, the ANC  is courting not only a constitutional challenge, a subject bound to be raised in Parliament when the Bill is debated or even during parliamentary hearings, but the alienation of a vast section of his own progressive supporters.

UCT logoSays University of Cape Town on its Research Centre For Law and Society website, “The Traditional Courts Bill has raised numerous questions as to whether traditional courts should have criminal jurisdiction at all, and if so, which kind of offences they should try and what sort of punishment may be imposed.”

“Our research on traditional courts in one area reveals that cases undertaken in traditional courts include assault, murder and rape, to name a few, indicating that social contact crimes are at times being dealt with by the traditional justice system.”

“On the other hand”, says the article on the website, “it is evident through SAPS reports that certain crimes, such as property-related crimes, although they can be dealt with through traditional courts, are nonetheless taken to the police. This indicates not only a fluid relationship between the two justice systems, but also a blurring of categories of crimes.”

Blurring of constitutional issues is, however, a lot more serious. Especially on the land ownership issue.

Associated articles archived:
//parlyreportsa.co.za//justice-constitutional/spatial-planning-land-use-management-bill-moves-on/

//parlyreportsa.co.za//cabinetpresidential/minister-says-need-for-legislation-on-land-reform-a-priority/

Posted in Cabinet,Presidential, Justice, constitutional, Land,Agriculture0 Comments


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