Archive | Justice, constitutional

Fresh Cybercrimes and Cybersecurity Bill tackles Internet fraud

…  Revised Bill criminalises cybercrimes …

posted 5 Aug… A new Bill designed to give powers to the State Security, Defence, Police and Telecommunications Ministers to intervene in many aspects of South Africa’s key economic, financial and labour environments and zeroing in on cybercrimes and related offences, is in debate.  It also calls upon the financial sector to assist in tracking down fraudsters.

Offences include the circulation of messages that aim at economic harm to persons or entities; that contain pornography or could cause mental or psychological stress; the Bill calls upon the private financial and communications sector and, more specifically, electronic service providers to assist with its objectives. The Bill will also change much in the way how government and SOEs go about their business to reflect the current call for electronic security.

The revised Bill is re-write of that originally tabled in 2015 and rejected as too convoluted and wide ranging on issues that could cause unintended consequences.

Badly needed

Despite placing considerable onus upon the private sector to assist, the IT industry seems to be guardedly welcoming the debate which is about to commence. The original and rejected Cybercrimes and Cybersecurity Bill was tabled in Parliament last February.

The main comment circulating seems to be that this later version is more specific than its earlier counterpart, provides more clarity and has less weight placed upon tedious operational management factors in state structures designed to fight cybercrime.

The Bill is the product of the Department of Justice and Constitutional Affairs (DoJ) and from what has been said, Deputy Minister John Jeffreys seems to be the state official still running with the legislation. He said at a media briefing some months ago, “This Bill will give the State the tools to halt cybercrimes and trained teams to bring to book those who use data as a tool for their crime.”

Not meant

Originally, when the Bill was tabled in 2015 it caused a storm of controversy. Whilst its objectives to catch criminals and stop the growing invasion institutional attacks were understood, unintended consequences for the media were not foreseen. The new Bill acknowledges that journalists and whistle-blowers have protection under the Protected Disclosures Act.

However, the somewhat draconian powers of seizure of data granted to the authorities will still no doubt worry many service providers insofar as interlocking the proposals into the Protection of Personal Information (POPI) Act and the Regulation of Interception of Communications and Provision of Communication-Related Information Act (RICA) are concerned, it has been suggested in hearings.

However, the Minister and other ministerial portfolios concerned, appear to have weighted their decision upon the growing threat of international cybercrime and have continued to call for service providers to assist with the issue caused by a late start.

SA under limelight

Some IT forensic reports indicate that sub-Saharan Africa has the third highest exposure to incidents of cyber fraud in the world and according to those who published this fact, they also claim that incidences of cybercrimes and cybersecurity breaches are escalating globally at 64%, with more security incidents reported in 2015 than 2014 for South Africa.

South Africa is known to be a specific target for cybercrime involving unlawful acquisition of sensitive data relating to clients and/or business operations due to a very high reliance on internet connections by commerce. Large data storage packages proliferate in SA, it is suggested, ranging from the JSE to the banking sector.

ATMs, bank transfers

In the case again of South Africa as part of sub-Sahara Africa, wire transfer fraud accounts for 26 percent of cybercrimes, far ahead of the global average of 14 percent, South Africans being defrauded of more than R2.2bn each year it is estimated.

Banking and financial institutions in South Africa, it is noted in the preamble to the Bill, are particularly exposed, the Reserve Bank having stated back in 2016, “It would be remiss of us in our duty if we ignored the growing risks emerging from the financial services sector’s increasing reliance on cyberspace and the Internet.”

Definitions

The Bill now before Parliament criminalises unlawful and intentional conduct regarding data, data messages, computer systems and programs, networks and passwords and creates as crimes “cyber fraud, cyber forgery and cyber uttering”.

It criminalises malicious communications – namely messages that result in harm to person or property, such as revenge porn or cyber bullying. The police are given extensive investigation, search and seizure powers in the Bill and an array of penalties, including fines and imprisonment apply, including various prescribed in terms of the Criminal Procedure Act, 1977.

No FICA-type warrants.

It is notable that cyber-crime powers of search and arrest remain with SAPS and not any specific structure or system set up by the new Bill to monitor instances of cybercrime or detect suspicious data attacks.

There remain, however, quite onerous obligations on electronic communications service providers and financial institutions, not only to assist in investigations of cybercrimes but also to report instances of cybercrime. A “framework of mutual co-operation between foreign states” is established in respect international investigation and the prosecution of cybercrime.

Crime fighting structures

The Cybercrimes and Cybersecurity Bill also establishes a Computer Security Incident Response Team, as did its predecessor, to establish contact with the private sector alongside with the already functional Cyber Security Hub responsible to the Minister of Telecommunications and Postal Service.

Finally, on structures, the Minister of Defence is to establish and operate a Cyber Command and appoint a General Officer Commanding.

The Bill also provides for the declaration of what is termed as “critical information infrastructure possessed” by financial institutions – for example databases upon which an attack could possibly represent a national threat.    Debate will no doubt flow around who and who not should report and upon what exactly.

The crimes defined

For the technically minded, the Bill In terms of the Bill, the following activities are criminalised: unlawful securing of access to data, a computer programme, a computer data storage medium or a computer system; unlawful acquisition of data; unlawful acts in respect of software or hardware tools; unlawful interference with data or a computer programme; unlawful interference with a computer data storage medium or computer system; unlawful acquisition, possession, provision, receipt or use of password, access codes or similar data or devices.

Also included are cyber fraud; cyber forgery and uttering; cyber extortion and certain aggravating offences; attempting, conspiring, aiding, abetting, inducing, inciting, instigating, instructing, commanding or procuring to commit an offence; theft of incorporeal properties; unlawful broadcast or distribution of data messages which incites damage to property or violence; unlawful broadcast or distribution of data messages which is harmful; unlawful broadcast or distribution of data messages of intimate image without consent.

The Bill imposes a list of penalties and allows for imprisonment for up to 15 years for cybercrimes and the maximum fine that may be levied for failing to timeously report an incident or failing to preserve information is now capped at R50,000, far less than the extraordinarily high penalties for non-disclosure levied in the initial version of the Bill.

Necessary actions

The search and seizure powers granted in terms of the new Bill “do not represent increasing the state’s surveillance powers”, Deputy Minister, John Jeffries said, “But if the State cannot seize evidential material to adduce as evidence, it will be impossible to prove the guilt of an accused person.”

Any hearings will obviously focus mainly upon the onuses and impositions imposed in the Bill upon electronic communications service providers and financial institutions, known by an acronym in the Bill as “ECSPs”. A date for further parliamentary briefings by DoJ has yet to be scheduled.
Previous articles on category subject
Cybercrime and Cybersecurity Bill invokes suspicion – ParlyReportSA
Draft Cybercrime Bill drafts industry – ParlyReportSA
Lack of skills hampering broadband rollout – ParlyReportSA

 

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Border Management Authority around the corner

SARS role at border posts being clarified ….

In adopting the Border Management Authority (BMA) Bill, Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Home Affairs agreed with a wording that at all future one-stop border posts, managed and administered by the envisaged agency and reporting to Department of Home Affairs (DHA), were to “facilitate” the collection of customs revenue and fines by SARS staff present.

However, on voting at the time of the meeting, Opposition members would not join in on the adoption of the Bill until the word “facilitate” was more clearly defined and the matter of how SARS would collect and staff a border post was resolved.

Haniff Hoosen, the DA’s Shadow Minister of Economic Development said that whilst they supported the Bill in general and its intentions, they also supported the view of National Treasury that the SARS value chain could not be put at risk until Treasury was satisfied on all points regarding their ability to collect duty on goods and how.

Keeping track

Most customs duty on goods arriving at border controls had already been paid in advance, parliamentarians were told; only 10% being physically collected at SA borders when goods were cleared.

However, with revenue targets very tight under current circumstances both SARS and Treasury have been adamant that it must be a SARS employee who collects any funds at border controls and the same to ensure that advance funds have indeed been paid into the SARS system.

The Bill, which enables the formation of the border authority itself, originally stated that it allowed for the “transfer, assignment and designation of law enforcement functions on the country’s borders and at points of entry to this agency.”

Long road

It was the broad nature of transferring the responsibility customs of collection from SARS to the agency that caused Treasury to block any further progress of the Bill through Parliament, much to the frustration of past Home Affairs Minister, Malusi Gigaba.   It has been two years since the Bill was first published for comment.

DHA have maintained throughout that their objective is to gain tighter control on immigration and improve trading and movement of goods internationally but Treasury has constantly insisted that customs monies and payments fall under their aegis. The relationships between custom duty paid on goods before arrival at a border to Reserve Bank and that which must be paid in passage, or from a bonded warehouse was not a typical DHA task, they said.

Breakthrough

It was eventually agreed by DHA that SARS officials must be taken aboard into the proposed structure and any duties or fines would go direct to SARS and not via the new agency to be created or DHA.

This was considered a major concession on the part of DHA in the light of their 5-year plan to create “one stop” border posts with common warehouses shared by any two countries at control points and run by one single agency. More efficient immigration and better policing at borders with improving passage of goods was their stated aim.

Already one pilot “one stop border post”, or OSBP, has been established by DHA at the main Mozambique border post by mixing SAPS, DHA and SARS functions, as previously reported.

To enable the current Bill, an MOU has been established with SAPS has allowed for the agency to run policing of SA borders in the future but Treasury subsequently baulked at the idea of a similar MOU with SARS regarding collection of customs dues and the ability to levy fines.
Bill adopted

At the last meeting of the relevant committee, Chairperson of the PC Committee on Home Affairs, Lemias Mashile (ANC) noted that in adopting the Bill by majority vote and not by total consensus, this meant the issue could be raised again in the National Council of Provinces when the Bill went for consensus by the NCOP.

Objectives

The Agency’s objectives stated in the Bill include the management of the movement of people crossing South African borders and putting in place “an enabling environment to boost legitimate trade.”

The Agency would also be empowered to co-ordinate activities with other relevant state bodies and will also set up an inter-ministerial committee to handle departmental cross-cutting issues, a border technical committee and an advisory committee, it was said.

Mozambique border

As far as the OSBP established at the Mozambique border was concerned, an original document of intention was signed in September 2007 by both countries. Consensus on all issues was reached between the two covering all the departments affected by cross-border matters.

Parliament was told at the time that the benefit of an OSBP was that goods would be inspected and cleared by the authorities of both countries with only one stop, which would encourage trade. In any country, he explained, there had to be two warehouses established, both bonded and state warehouses.

Bonded and State warehouses

Bonded warehouses which were privately managed and licensed subject to certain conditions, were to allow imported goods to be stored temporarily to defer the payment of customs duties.

Duties and taxes were suspended for an approved period – generally two years but these had to be paid before the goods entered the market or were exported, MPs were told. The licensee bore full responsibility for the duty and taxes payable on the goods.

State warehouses on the other hand, SARS said at the time, were managed by SARS for the safekeeping of uncleared, seized or abandoned goods. They provided a secure environment for the storage of goods in which the State had an interest. Counterfeit and dangerous or hazardous goods were moved to specialised warehouses.

Slow process

MPs noted that it had taken over six years for the Mozambique OSBP to be finalised. SARS said there were many ramifications at international law but added two discussions with Zimbabwe for the same idea had now taken place. It was hoped it would take less time to reach an agreement as lessons had been learnt with the Mozambican experience.

On evasion of and tax, SARS said in answer to a question that losses obviously occurred through customs avoidance and evasion, so it was consequently it was difficult to provide an overall figure on customs duty not being paid, as evasion was evasion. Smuggling of goods such as narcotics, or copper, which could only be quantified based on what had been seized.

The same applied to the Beit Bridge border with Zimbabwe where cigarette smuggling was of serious concern and through Botswana.

In general, it now seems that Home Affairs is to adopt an overall principle of what was referred to as having one set of common warehouses for one-stop declaration, search, VAT payment and vehicle movement with a SARS presence involving one common process for both countries subject to a final wording on the SARS issue before the Bill is submitted for signature.

Previous articles on category subject
Border Authority to get grip on immigration – ParlyReportSA
Mozambique One Stop Border Post almost there – ParlyReportSA

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FICA Bill could meet new task force deadline

OECD money task force waiting for SA  

….sent to clients Feb 7…. Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Finance, Yunus Carrim, made it quite clear in terms of parliamentary rules that further debate on the FICA Bill aligning SA to global money laundering task force requirements are confined to the President’s reservations about the Bill’s constitutionality on the issue of warrantless searches. Nothing else was to be debated or considered despite attempts, he said.

After a “suspicious delay”, to quote the Democratic Alliance, of over five months during which the President unexpectedly failed to sign the Bill into law, it was suddenly returned to Parliament with the query a few days before closure for the Christmas recess.

Playing for time

It is suspected that the President’s office might have been making a pitch for more debating time on the Bill in 2017 and to allow the Bill to be re-scrutinised thereby causing further delay or even allowing for an ANC motion to reject the Bill.  This is according to one Opposition member on the Committee.

Following this, in a meeting hastily convened before Parliament closed, parliamentary orders were changed and Chair Carrim re-scheduled the Committee’s last meeting which was to be held on the Insurance Bill.  He instead scheduled an urgent meeting to debate the President’s move, calling for both legal opinion from the State Law Advisor and the attendance of National Treasury to learn of implications caused by the delay.

Next move

As of the result of this last-minute meeting, Parliament and Carrim have to some extent countered what seemed the purposeful delaying tactic.    The Committee agreed to call for written submissions only, preferably containing legal opinion, on only the constitutionality of Clause 32, section 45B (1C) on warrantless searches, saying only such will be allowed and no generalised observations on any other clauses or the rationale behind the Bill will be heard.

In the meeting, MPs expressed anger at the waste of public money and even Chair Carrim expressed his frustration of having to go back to the drawing board on a Bill that had already been passed. “I am getting too old for these kind of games”, he said.

Carrim concluded, “This Bill was approved by Parliament in its entirety and by a majority vote after many months of debate. Legal opinion was called for on many aspects and its signature into law was urgently required to meet international deadlines. In terms of the Joint Parliamentary Rules therefore, only the one aspect that the President has queried could be considered and the Bill was to be returned with the opinion of this Committeeafter a vote in the NA.

Advice sought

It was agreed by the Committee that legal counsel specifically would be sought on the constitutional aspects raised and this would be returned together with the Bill as it stood for signature in an attempt to convince the President not to refer the matter to the Constitutional Court and further delay implementation of a law approved by Parliament.

Adv. Jenkins, State Law Advisor, told Yunus Carrim that he could see no grounds for the contention that the circumstances of warrantless searches were not properly circumscribed in the Bill and were thus legal. It was established that FICA had already conducted some 380 warrantless searches.

Adv. Jenkins pointed out that in terms of the Constitution and Parliamentary rules the President could only return a Bill once to Parliament, whatever the specific subject or subjects.  Thus, this was the only issue that should be debated and considered by Parliament.

It would also be preferable, he said, to return also legal opinion based on supporting input from public hearings, but he advised that once again this should be confined to the subject matter, i.e. warrantless searches.

Country exposed

Meanwhile, President Zuma’s obviously purposeful delays have exposed South Africa to further detrimental opinion from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) who are holding a plenary meeting of the OECD in Paris in February, Treasury deputy director-general Ismail Momoniat told Chair Yunus Carrim.

South Africa could well be slapped with a warning letter or even a fine at taxpayer’s expense for failing to sign into law amendments to the Financial Intelligence Centre Act, he said, and added that this would not be helpful at the time of a Standard and Poor financial rating exercise to be carried out in the New Year.

Local banks at risk

Even a mild rebuke from the Task Force could have significant consequences for SA, DG Momoniat said, since it would raise concern among foreign regulators and banks about SA’s commitment to vigilant financial regulation.     This in turn would have a ripple effect throughout the economy since correspondent relationships between the global network of banks are vital to effect payment for South Africa exports and imports.

Carrim responded that of the two bad options resulting from the President’s actions, the least damaging was to ignore OEDC opinion for the moment, take proper legal counsel on the issue and await the opening of a new session in late January/early February 2017 for a water-tight case to go back to the President’s office. DG Momoniat acknowledged that Treasury noted the course that was being adopted.

Jeremy Gauntlett S.C. was to be contacted and the question of warrantless searches be considered by him, the wording revised if necessary according to counsel given and the Bill returned to the National Assembly for adoption based on any revisions, if made.

Rules for submissions

The final position was therefore that all submissions to Parliament had to only deal with the constitutionality of section 45B (1C) dealing with warrantless searches in clause 32 of the Bill and those making submissions were requested to provide legal opinions for their arguments .

It was suspected that Black Business Forum and other groupings would make a determined effort widen the scope of the deliberations.

Any submissions on other provisions of the Bill, not the subject of the hearings, had to be made separately in more public hearings to be held on “Progress on Transformation of the Financial Sector”, tentatively set for 14 March 2017. Those additional hearings will be advertised separately, said Carrim’s parliamentary notice when published.

Previous articles on category subject

FICA Bill : Hearings on legal point – ParlyReportSA

FIC Bill hold up goes to roots of corruption – ParlyReportSA

Red tape worries with FIC Bill – ParlyReportSA

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Hate speech remains in Hate Crimes Bill

Obsession with Facebook slows draft 

….sent to clients 15 Jan…  The highly controversial draft Prevention and Combating of Hate Crimes and Hate Speech Bill has been published by the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development for comment. Submissions are now being considered.  The Bill has been in the making for almost ten years.

Whilst provisions to deal with proven instances of hate crimes were welcomed in general, the department has said, many expressed their doubts regarding the more recent inclusion of hate speech into the draft provisions, particularly in the light the effect that such provisions could have on freedom of speech. For this to be included is still the preferred route, the department said, but the implications are being carefully studied.

Testing the water

In November 2016, it was Cabinet’s decision to publish the Bill in the knowledge that many would object to the hate speech provisions and consequently the department has openly said the publication of the draft was very much to “test the water”.

Whilst activists have in general expressed in the media approval of the fact that a draft, after such a long wait, has finally appeared, lawyers have commented that if hate speech is to be included then “the bar on onus of proof must be set very high and intent to incite must also be proven beyond any doubt.”

Others have indicated concern that the inclusion of hate speech was so controversial that it could delay a much-needed piece of legislation by endless argument surrounding the curtailment of freedom of speech.

 

Overall aims

The Bill says it aims “to give effect to South Africa’s obligations in terms of the Constitution and international human rights instruments concerning racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance in accordance with international law obligations; to provide for the offence of hate crimes and the offence of hate speech; and the prosecution of persons who commit those crimes [and] to provide for appropriate sentences that may be imposed on persons who commit hate crime and hate speech offences”.

At the time of writing (12 Jan) no Bill has yet been tabled on the subject by the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Jeff Radebe.   However, speaking at a meeting of the working group dealing with the draft, his Deputy Minister, John Jeffery, said that racist remarks made on social media platforms by people such as Penny Sparrow indicated to the department a growing need to include hate speech provisions.

Unintended consequences

Sanja Bornman, the chairperson of the working group and managing attorney of Lawyers for Human Rights’ Gender Equality Project, said the inclusion of the hate speech provisions was “very bad news for victims of hate crime, which affects a wide range of people based on race, nationality, gender identity and many other grounds”.  She added that the group was “Nevertheless, very happy that the Bill was finally out for comment”.

According to media reports, she commented that contrary to the deputy minister comments, that the inclusion of hate speech provisions “were not at the behest of the working group” and that its members were “surprised” to hear that such had been included.

 Social media

This indicates, of course, that the move to include hate speech might have been politically motivated from the top but all the same Bornman has admitted that when work first started on the Bill some years ago, social media did not occupy such a prominent position it now has in society and this move may have come as a result.

The deputy minister said the working group would remain at the job of dealing with the input of submissions and a final draft may emerge in February 2017. The Penny Sparrow incident seems concluded but whether both Ministers are satisfied remains to be seen.

ends

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Medicinal use of cannabis makes progress

Medical Innovation Bill and cannabis

..sent to clients 18 Dec… Dr Narend Singh who took over the tabling of the Private Members’ Medical Innovation Bill from the late Dr Mario Ambrosini, said that he was so impressed by the progress of the Department of Health (DHA) in their support of the use of cannabis for medical purposes that he could see the possibility arising where he could withdraw his Members’ Bill in favour of broader legislation tabled by the Minister of Health.

He said “there was light at the end of the tunnel” and he himself was on a “high” to learn from Dr Joey Gouws, in charge of regulatory and legislative enforcement at DHA, that regulations on the growing of cannabis, manufacture, dispensing and medical use for medicinal purposes could be in place by the end of 2017 including registration processes and classification systems.

Holistic approach

Dr Gouws was briefing the Parliamentary Portfolio on Health on progress towards the commencement of such a programme and which not only covered the medical use of cannabis as proposed in the Medical Innovation Bill but covered research, registration, manufacture and the scheduling of substances.    Separate legislation would be in parallel amending such Acts as the Drugs and Drugs Trafficking Act.

Regulations were a draft form stage in authorising permits for use by practitioners, analysts, researchers or veterinarians.      In fact, said the DHA team presenting the update to parliamentarians, it might be possible to see certain herbal products with limited THC levels available within three months.

 Worldwide

Dr Gouws said that in the United Kingdom similar legislation, to be enacted, provided for innovation in medical treatment and allowed medical doctors to depart from medical treatments for a condition but the UK Bill did not specially address the use of cannabis. In South Africa, it will be allowed for under specific prescribed conditions for the treatment of certain medical conditions and for education, research and analysis.  Similar legislation in Australia and Canada had been studied.

Patients that are proposed for eligibility are those with severe pain, nausea, vomiting or wasting arising from cancer and HIV/AIDS, including treatment. Muscle spasms and severe pain associated with multiple sclerosis and seizures from epilepsy where other treatment options have failed or have intolerable side effects. Severe chronic pain is included as part of the proposals for indications.

Crop trials completed

The Department of Agriculture, the DHA team said, has justMedicines Control South Africa forwarded the outcome of cultivation trials at four agricultural research facilities jointly overseen by both departments. This would now be disseminated and assessed, which results would form part of the ongoing research by the Medical Research Council and other academic research centres involved in the future clinical use of cannabis.

Currently, cannabis is listed as a Schedule 7 prohibited substance but regulations will shift this towards Schedules 3-6 which are prescription-only medicines with authorised prescribers.   Scheduling decisions involve levels of toxicity and safety; the proposed indication for a substance; the need for medical diagnosis before prescribing; the potential for dependence, abuse and misuse and access disciplines.

Certain cannabis products are prescribed at present but unregulated illegal herbal cannabis, Dr Gouws said, which is grown incorrectly and bought from the black market will have unknown concentrations of THC’s and cannabinoid concentrations combined with potentially harmful ingredients.   Cannabinoid drugs currently used are Dronabinal for loss of appetite during severe illnesses, Nabilone for nausea under similar conditions and Sativex for spasticity.

Conditions of use

If legalised, it will be proposed that objective evidence to support the proposed use of cannabinoids in whatever regulated form must be provided; the manner and duration of treatment provided; a patient must be monitored to ensure efficacy; the treatment outcome reported upon; the physician involved must be a specialist and informed consent by the patient or legal representative obtained.

In questioning the DHA, parliamentarians were particularly concerned that appropriate measures amending the Drugs and Drugs Trafficking Act, the criminal Procedure Act and the Medicines and Related Substances Act were undertaken. One MP remarked that there must be no question of unintended consequences with law enforcement processes in order that criminal procedures under certain circumstances involving cultivation, marketing, administering and research can be clearly separated and easily understood by the South African Police Service.

Dr Joey Gouws said that this matter had already been investigated and the issues involved were with the State Law Advisor at this very moment. It appeared that they were satisfied. The framework for medical use and research had also been submitted, which also included the licensing of growers using controlled cultivation methods for medical, scientific and research purposes. There were various cultivars of cannabis which had different medicinal properties, she said.

Quality controls

The framework being worked to by DHA also includes reaching a standardised, quality assured product for medical use indications, bearing in mind that clinical decision-making in terms of Section 22A(9)(ii) and Section 21 of the Medicines Act must be made to the scheduling of products, Dr Gouws said.

For a while, Dr Joey Gouws said, cannabis as a medicinal drug for pain may remain as a Section 21 drug as things exist until all regulations were in place and registration and classification complete, so that the use could have a controlled start.  Herbal classifications may be allowed far earlier.

ends

 

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FICA Bill : Hearings on legal point

President Zuma vs Parliament on FICA Bill

…..editorial……The convoluted thinking that is taking place in South Africa to avoid the consequences of the law has once again become evident in the ongoing battle between the Presidency and the Standing Committee on Finance with the return  of the Financial Intelligence Centre Amendment (FICA) Bill  by the President to Parliament and therefore unsigned into law.

Worried by warrants

The President claims that for representatives of the Financial Intelligence Centre (FIC) to visit business premises and even homes under special circumstances without a search warrant and in cases where obtaining a warrant would defeat the purpose of the search, may be unconstitutional.   FIC, meanwhile, has confirmed in Parliament that between the years 2011 and 2016, 930 warrantless searches with the consent of those searched had been carried out by its inspectors.

Rare happening


The move
by the President, after five months of inaction, has now forced Parliament to seek the opinion of senior counsel to reinforce their views that warrantless searches are indeed acceptable in terms of the Constitution.   The FICA Bill was originally recommended for signature into law and sent to the President by no lesser body than the National Assembly, then concurred to by the National Council of Provinces, both on the advice of Parliament’s own legal counsel on constitutional issues.   This is normal procedure with every piece of legislation.


This reason for further delay on the President’s part must have raised a few eyebrows at the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) centre in Paris.     As those in financial circles are aware, the Bill was tabled by the Minister of Finance with the objective of not only aligning South Africa’s banking and financial institutions with global financial advances but to counter growing and localised corruption and money laundering.

Hurry up and wait

This august body, the OECD, much maligned by the Minister of Mineral Resources in tandem with his opinions on the SA banking system, is currently awaiting South Africa’s confirmation that it will comply with the latest round of requests for compliance with the fourteen rules, now amended, to counter international financial terrorism and extend the OECD’s ability to combat international money crime.

Warrantless searches are allowed in most major countries where compliance with OECD conditions are sought but in the same countries, as has been worded in the FIC Bill, the circumstances to allow this only in cases of suspected money laundering are specifically worded and this includes cases where the application for a warrant or a delay in obtaining a warrant would remove the element of surprise.

Treasury wanted immediacy

The request for South Africa to conform is more specific in terms of the requirements of the Financial Intelligence Task Force (FATF), better known by banks as the criminal investigation department of OECD.    A date for compliance was set by them in February 2017 and agreed to by South Africa. The banking sector is ready to implement the new rules both in staffing terms and with systems and procedures waiting. Minister Pravin Gordhan and some senior ANC party members have been vocal with their suspicions for the delay.

Mystery motives

In what appears to be almost Machiavellian in political terms, the President, with the knowledge that he must have that Parliament was about to close for business, might, according to some MPs, have lodged his further objections to the Bill in the hope that further support for his views could be garnered from subsequent hearings, submissions and more debate.

Chair of the Standing Committee on Finance, Yunus Carrim, countered the President’s unexpected move by cancelling urgent meetings on the Insurance Bill, scheduled for debate and hearings on the last two days of parliamentary business, and called for an urgent meeting of his Committee.  

Advocate Frank Jenkins, Parliament’s legal adviser, was asked to attend and give opinion, together with manager of FIC, Pieter Smit.   Also attending was the Deputy Minister of Finance, Mcebisi Jonas and National Treasury deputy DG responsible for FIC matters, Ismail Momoniat.

Carrim firm on subject

Adv. Jenkins confirmed the sections of the Constitution provided for a Bill to be returned but only once and on specific issues.  He saw the President’s action as unusual in that a Bill, worked on for two years with every clause scrutinized and with input from constitutional experts, could be returned at such a late stage with so much time having elapsed during which an objection could have been easily submitted.

He then explained to MPs how the Constitution does indeed allow for warrantless searches in terms of the Constitution’s specific wording on the subject matter. He listed six precedents of Bills passed into law recently where warrantless searches are allowed in certain prescribed circumstances in terms of the Constitution.   He said this was not a complicated issue at law in view of precedent.

No good choices

Chair Carrim said he had no choice but to treat the FATF issue as the least worst of bad scenarios and he was forced to apply parliamentary rules to the issue in order that the President’s move could be countered with indisputable legal fact and by applying parliamentary rules objectively and strictly. He wanted to observe protocol so that the matter could become “de-politicised”.  

He said the media had called him “brave” to stand in the way of the President’s obvious wish.   This was not the case, he said, but just a matter of following the rules and respecting the fact that Parliament was the final arbiter in such matters since Parliament represented each and every citizen of South Africa.

The response

The rule, Adv. Jenkins explained to the Committee, was that should a Bill be returned to Parliament by the President, having been beforehand approved by the House on every issue in the Bill, then only the specific point, i.e. warrantless searches, could be discussed and debated subsequently and altered if seen fit. This was stated in the Constitution.   The Bill could then be returned to the President with Parliament’s view on the subject matter alone.

He said that should the Committee decide that the President’s view was a baseless argument then they could probably avoid the President referring the matter to the Constitutional Court with further long delays by supplying advice from counsel.  Chair Carrim agreed with this suggestion and with Committee approval across all parties the call for legal submissions in the form of submissions in the New Year and the matter down for hearings and debate in Parliament after it opens in February/March 2017.

Hands off the Bill

Parliament could then return the Bill to the President, Carrim explained, with full legal constitutional opinion and throughout the whole process, only the issue at hand, i.e. warrantless searches, would be allowed for debate.   No other substantive issues could be raised, debated or voted upon as the Bill had been approved by Parliament, Carrim said, and only one issue was under scrutiny.

He said, this would be clearly advertised when calling for submissions and the Speaker asked to observe the rule in any subsequent National Assembly debates.  Any other comments and observations would be regarded as irrelevant.  As far as the OECD was concerned, this was a risk that Treasury would have to handle in their meetings with OECD but this route, Yunus Carrim felt, was the better option.

Believe it or not

For the five months that President Jacob Zuma has been refusing to sign the Bill into law
and refusing to give any reason other than finding the time to “apply his mind to the issue”, any amount of publicity on the need for speed must have landed up on the President’s desk
, even if  just legal advice on the subject instructed by the President.   Lying to Parliament has now become a presidential practice, cartoonists Jonathan Shapiro, Neale Blandan and Jeremy Nell having turned President Zuma’s relationship with Parliament into an art form. 

The “G” factor

As far back as 2009, the OECD published a list of countries divided into three parts, all depending on how or whether they complied to “internationally agreed tax standards”, in select jurisdictions, tax havens or other financial centres of interest and whether they had implemented appropriate legislation in line with OECD requests.   

The procedures are now part of standard international banking procedure but now relate specially to identifying money movements of “prominent persons” and where money laundering seems possibly to be evident.

Whether the President, as the most elevated and “prominent person” in the country, might be trying to protect himself or other “prominent persons” including friends and associates alike against investigation into money movements is not, however, the main issue.

All suffer

The far more serious issue is that the President’s seeming neglect in responding for months has exposed the country’s banking and financial systems to risk.  This is quite outrageous.  The President may or may not have a good argument that it is constitutionally inviolate for the FIC to search without a warrant and possibly with or without warning beforehand  but it seems a stretch of the imagination, given his track record, that he is morally indignant.

Parliament has now issued a gazette calling for comment with the following proviso: “All submissions must therefore only deal with the constitutionality of section 45B (1C) dealing with warrantless searches in clause 32 of the Bill.     As the hearings are on the constitutionality of warrantless searches, those making submissions are requested to provide legal opinions for their arguments if possible.  No consideration can be given to submissions dealing with any other provisions of the Bill.”

Hearings are promised as well in mid-March 2017 for  generalised input on the legislation, part of Chair Yunus Carrim’s call for Parliament to investigate “transformation in the financial sector.” 

 

FIC Bill hold up goes to roots of corruption – ParlyReportSA

Red tape worries with FIC Bill – ParlyReportSA

Madonsela: state capture and corruption linked – ParlyReportSA

 

Posted in Cabinet,Presidential, Finance, economic, Justice, constitutional, LinkedIn, Special Recent Posts, Trade & Industry0 Comments

Liquor licensing may have impractible conditions

DTI gets tough with age limits

...sent to clients 17 Oct…..   In what will be a tough ask, Minister of Trade and Industry, Robliqour-store Davies has proposed a number of changes to the National Liquor Act, the most contentious being to raise the legal minimum age for purchasing liquor from 18 to 21 years of age. The call for public comment on the draft National Liquor Amendment Bill as gazetted closed on 30 October.

The Department and Trade and Industry (DTI), who deal with liquor licensing at a national level, state that South Africa has globally the worst figures for alcohol related accidents and anti-social incidents involving liquor abuse.

Drastic steps had to be taken to gain control of alcohol related injuries, illnesses and abusive behaviour that were costing the state some R40bn a year, the Minister said.

Younger age groups

The Bill focuses specifically on youth since DTI maintains that alcohol abuse specifically damages the development of the brain making youth vulnerable. Liquor advertising aimed specifically at young persons will be prohibited under the Act and revised rules set down on broadcast times and content. Advertising billboards aimed at youth will be banned from high density urban areas.

Minister Davies called for “robust public engagement on the issues raised in the Bill” as it dealt with matters “that are of significance to South African society.” He noted that South Africans consume alcohol related products at double the world average rate.

On the question of the age threshold proposed in the draft Bill is a minimum purchasing age, not as has been widely reported a “minimum drinking age”. The onus of establishing age will fall upon the supplier who must take “reasonable steps to establish age” when dealing with a young purchaser.

Pressure point

A civil liability will now fall upon the manufacturers and suppliers as well who knowingly breach the new regulations, Minister Davies said, believing that this was the only way to get the problem understood and the new rules adhered to.

sab-youth-beer-adThe draft Bill states that responsibility will also fall upon the seller not only not to supply liquor to a person visibly under the influence of alcohol but that the seller could be in addition asked to show reason why they should not bear costs for damage incurred as a result of a subsequent accident involving that person who made the purchase.

On the problem of community issues, such as tackling foetal alcohol syndrome which is considerably worse in South Africa than elsewhere in the world and alcohol related crime, the onus of proof will shift not only to a supplier but also to manufacturers to show that reasonable steps were taken to ensure that liquor is not sold to illegal or unlicensed outlets. Which brings up the issue of liquor licences.

Distance from community

Licensing is a provincial matter and there are a number of changes that the amending Bill police-raidwill make to the anchor Act which will have to be abided by. Particularly notable is the proposal that licences cannot be granted to an outlet less than 500 metres from any school, recreation facilities and places of worship.

Provinces are stated as “having an obligation” to be far stricter in granting licences in highly urbanised areas, giving due regard for the need for stricter business hours and for the need to deal with noise pollution in stressful living conditions.

Previous articles on category subject
New health regulations in place soon: DoH – ParlyReportSA
Licensing of Businesses Bill re-emerges – ParlyReportSA
Medicines Bill : focus on foodstuffs – ParlyReportSA

Posted in Justice, constitutional, Security,police,defence, Special Recent Posts, Trade & Industry, Transport0 Comments

Madonsela: state capture and corruption…

says, Zuma involved in state capture.. 

editorial.. To those who know, the silence after a bomb goes off is quite uncanny. Like the state capture bomb. Even birdsongthuli-madonsela-2 ceases and the world seems to halt for a few seconds.  Then as things start up again, people seem to gabble. Everybody is rushing about. Life starts up but the noise seems incredible, if you can hear at all that is.   Following this comes the sickening realization that there might be a second bomb.   One seems helpless.

So it was when the Public Protector’s Report on State Capture was released.   Most had the feeling that to see in writing upon the frontispiece the words “state capture” was quite surreal.   Up until then it was rumour; an “alleged” idea; something that was always “strongly denied”; certainly, shady but in any case, difficult to prove… but it certainly shouldn’t happen in our backyard anyway.

Truth must out

thuli-encaThen the bombshell report was released.  The world seemed to halt in silence whilst its 355 pages were digested. Then came the voices, mostly loud and some quite vociferous.  Some demanded more proof; some demanded immediate retribution. Many asked for the President to step down, following which was a festival of interviews on e-NCA.    Meanwhile, in Parliament the corridors went quiet.   Like a phoney war.

Rewind

Whether there is a second bomb in the form of the Hawks and the NPA again charging Minister Pravin Gordhan is purely conjecture at this stage.   It is part of a process that Parliament is not privy to.   Parliamentarians must just watch these parties go about their business, unfortunately at the expense of a jittery investment market.

What we do know is that all judicial and parliamentary processes are painfully slow and this iscropped-sa-parliament-2.jpg as it must be.   Witness the complaints if a Bill is rushed or “hammered” through Parliament.  It rarely works when carried out at speed and the process is exposed for its faults.

The law may be an ass at times and very laborious but it is there to fight corruption.  To eventually win a case against such a difficult-to-prove crime may take time but it is devastatingly successful when achieved.

However, the name Gupta is not responsible for everything.   Some of unpleasant exposures, especially in the energy field, are the result of massive incompetence rather than a temptation of financial gain.

Taking time

In ParlyReportSA, now with clients, we detail four painfully long processes which eventually will result in what may not be liked by some but have been correctly subjected to the slow but democratic procedure of Parliament – the MPRDA Bill; the investigation into the tina-joemattIkwhezi R14.5bn loss; the sale of South Africa’s strategic oil reserves; and how the mini-budget of Minister Pravin Gordhan has evaded the claws of state capture.

Our constitutional, and therefore our parliamentary system which is integrated into it, is subject to a clause which states that the president of the country is the person who is elected as the president of the ruling party’s National Executive.    This outcome only changes if that person is found guilty of breaking the law or his and her oath of office. For this outcome to be proven can take much time.

Patience a virtue

Gratifyingly also, amongst many outstanding court procedures underway, the arduous parliamentary and legislative process to ensure a recalcitrant President gets around to signing the FICA Bill, is underway.

His signature is needed in order that the countrzuma1y can meet international banking obligations and comply with money-laundering disclosure requirements. The fact that the President has not signed it, as was put before him by Parliament and has provided no reason for the apparent lack of inertia to do so, speaks volumes.  Probably a case for personal privacy will be tabled by his defence team, if he gets to need one.

Delaying tactics

Either the President in this instance will waste taxpayer’s money with a long drawn out case or be advised to withdraw, as has been his practice up until now, by acceding at the last minute and will have signed or be told to.

zwaneHe and his associates know that this Bill is a critical tool in the fight against illegal transfers of funds by “prominent persons”.  Minister Zwane’s fight with the banking sector is an unnecessary sideshow connected to this process. More becomes evident in the media , day by day, of this gentleman’s shady dealings.

Dark forces

Another fight calling for patience and now being unearthed is the level of corruption within intelligence services, Hawks and the NPA.  Hopefully, this is not as deep as the relationship that Robert Mugabe had with Nicolae Ceaușescu of Hungary, based on which he built his CIO and followed the advice gained from his training with Nangking Military Academy.

hawks logoHopefully also, with the NPA, Hawks and other major undercover government departments, only such matters as  graft involving as rhino trade and state capture bribes are the tools of trade involved and the aim remains simply self-enrichment.

Hope springs

The “goodies” in South Africa have much to undertake in order to beat the “baddies”, not helped by senior ANC officials not getting off the fence for fear of being demoted on the party list and losing their pensions.    All the same, there are so many good men and women speaking out at the moment from all spheres of political and business life,  the ANC in particular,  that “the force” would appear unstoppable.

Getting Parliament back into control and equal to the Cabinet will be a long process andparliament mandela statue calling for extreme patience, as manifested by our greatest President who demonstrated such incredible patience over many years in his long walk to freedom.

Previous articles on category subject

FIC Bill hold up goes to roots of corruption – ParlyReportSA

Parliament: National Assembly traffic jam – ParlyReportSA

Red tape worries with FIC Bill – ParlyReportSA

Anti-Corruption Unit overwhelmed – ParlyReportSA

 

Posted in Cabinet,Presidential, earlier editorials, Energy, Finance, economic, Fuel,oil,renewables, Justice, constitutional, LinkedIn, Public utilities, Special Recent Posts, Trade & Industry0 Comments

Communal Property Bill assists land reform

Reform assisted on communal property 

communal-land-4…sent to clients 21 Oct….The tabling of the Communal Property Associations Amendment Bill could represent a major advance in bringing order to many aspects of government’s land reform policy. In essence, the Bill will ensure that householders have security of tenure and thus have the ability to raise capital before they enter into any agreement on the management of communal land.

The new Bill focuses on developing the practical and legal aspects of ownership of communal land by a communal property association (CPA) whilst at the same time providing security of tenure with a new initial procedure of naming householders to benefit. The draft has now been approved by Cabinet.

Whilst the thrust of government policy on land reform has always been to bring ownership ofland-reform self-sustaining agricultural land to previously disadvantaged communities, the process has been much bedeviled by conflict over land falling under the control of traditional chiefs; the inability of small farmers to raise finance without title and, most important, for households able to enjoy security of tenure.

Communal confusion

An unintended consequence of the original CPA programme launched by government has been that government has not wished to involve itself, nor has any investing entity for that matter, in the community strife and argument over communal land, a feature of many CPAs. Consequently, the CPA system has demonstrated its inability to involve itself in loans, any state support, or receive the support of agricultural assistance programmes.

community-farmIt might be said that CPAs as a structural system is “off the banking radar”, a fact which MPs in parliamentary committee meetings have complained of a number of times.

As a result, expensive trusts have become the order of the day, banks preferring to deal with such entities and even government itself having to use them because of the informality of a CPA and the inability of loan applicant to show security.

The objective of the Act when it was signed into law was to create a new form of juristic person to allow disadvantaged communities to acquire, hold and manage property in common. A community that qualifies in terms of the Act can therefore, on the basis of agreement contained in a written constitution, form a legal entity (the CPA) and thereby become owners of property, including land, via the CPA.

Agricultural reform

A CPA as it currently stands allows its members to become owners of land which has been “prioritised for the provision of infrastructural support to land reform farmers to enable them to create sustainable jobs and alleviate poverty.”

However, over the few years since CPAs were established, it appears from parliamentary Lesedi traditionalportfolio committee meetings, that things have not gone well. In some cases, traditional chiefs had intervened and gained control of land previously under the aegis of the members of a CPA. Meanwhile, traditional chiefs had complained that CPAs were acting like “chiefdoms” in themselves, the department told parliamentarians.

Tweaking and compromising

Some attempts were made by the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform to persuade CPA members to appoint traditional chiefs on an “ex-officio basis” but the situation remained untenable, not necessarily just because of the problem of traditional control but because, due to shortage of staff, they said, had no ability to monitor the situation and no picture of what land was under CPA control, where CPAs were, and their needs.

In addition, no measurement of outcome of any schemes appeared possible, Opposition members complained. Quite clearly, they said, the NDP land reform programme has not been successful to date. Whilst the idea had been along the right tracks, it seemed the system was patently in trouble.

Green Paper study

After two years of investigation, in 2014 the Ministry, produced a Green Paper on the subject. After creating communal property ownership rights, the new proposal in the Paper was to secure individual tenure to each household beforehand, be it a farm-dweller or tenant, and for each household to own its rights at law before the CPA was formed to lock into this.

land-reform-5As per the Act in force, it would be possible for a community or group of persons to have access to a registered title to land through common or joint ownership with every name included (in a deed of transfer) or through a trust (with title vesting in the trustees) or a juristic person (with title vesting in that legal entity). Once registered, the CPA would become a juristic person – that can sue and be sued. It could acquire rights and incur obligations in its own name, in accordance with a CPA constitution.

In a policy statement, a Bill was proposed along these lines with a CPA constitution as before dealing with sub-divisions, servitudes, the right to encumber with a mortgage, deal with leases and settle disputes – all essential to the development of the area concerned but in respect of nominated persons giving those persons therefore security of ownership.

The bigger picture

The new Bill therefore speaks to a process to align a CPA to the broader land reform mandate in terms of the policy statement. The Bill also says a Communal Propertyland-claims-court Associations Office is to be established which is headed by a Registrar of Communal Property Associations. As a result, CPAs will be better equipped, it is felt, to take part in development; its status is recognised and is known to government; and has a secure system of tenure established as a base for ownership.

DHA said the plan was to clearly establish the connection between the land itself and those who live on it and depend on it for agricultural income. With more clearly established security and a need to register for compliance, it is hoped that a CPA structure will present a more viable face to the investing world.
Previous articles on category subject
New approach to land reform – ParlyReportSA
Restitution of Land Rights Act reversed – ParlyReportSA
Land Holdings Bill joins state acquisition trend – ParlyReportSA

Posted in human settlements, Justice, constitutional, Land,Agriculture, LinkedIn, Special Recent Posts0 Comments

Anti Corruption Unit overwhelmed

Focus on top down elements of patronage 

….editorial….As Parliament went into short recess, the Anti-Corruptionhawks-2
Unit, the combined team made up of SARS, Hawks, the National Prosecuting Authority and Justice Department, divulged that some 400 cases of public service corruption have been “successfully prosecuted since 2014”.

Out of hand

To have that number of public service thieves arrested is no small number but there is a worrying afterthought.   One wonders how many Anti Corruption Unit cases have been dropped or unsuccessfully prosecuted, given the fact such icebergcases are difficult to prove and there is often poor performance of by investigation teams. Like an iceberg, probably only one seventh of corruption in the public service is apparent.

sars logoCases currently under investigation in both the public and private sectors were given as 77, now 78 since Tom Moyane, head of SARS and member of the Anti Corruption Unit itself, at the time admitted to the Committee that he had not spoken to the Hawks about his second in command, Jonas Makwakwa.

Laundry list

The question by MPs was about the mysterious R1,2m deposited into Makwakwa’s private banking account.  According to reports it appears Moyane has subsequently rectified the situation and reported the event.  So yet another enquiry must start, which will only exacerbate the relationship problem between Moyane and the Minister of Finance, Gordhan Pravin.

Added to these national events in Parliament is the fact that corruption investigation remains particularly problematic at provincial and local government levels where it can go on undetected. The story emerging from the Tshwane Municipality is a case in point. The National Council of Provinces has no part to play in such matters.

Top down problem

Over the last few weeks, events in the parliamentary precinct have dominated the domestic media and consequently there is no need to repeat what is patently obvious.  South Africa clearly faces a leadership problem as far as financial governance and policy initiatives are concerned.

hawks logo
Doubt has placed, in the media in main, on the leadership integrity of the Hawks, NPA and, to some extent, with the Anti Corruption Unit inasmuch as their relationship with the President is concerned. A weary public waits for the next story of public service patronage.

Public service heads appear at times uncomfortable when they are reporting to Parliament and seem to be looking over their shoulder at times to see if what they have done or said is politically correct. Troubling is the fact that regulatory bodies are at odds with the ministries that founded them.

Bottomless pits

Although progress has been made on the national level in developing legalmoyane frameworks with provisions and regulations to address theft of public funds, such as the Prevention and Combating of Corrupt Activities Act and the Public Finance Management Act (PMFA), the good guys are still behind in the race to catch the bad guys.   A sad conviction rate of 28% on cases brought before the court by the Assets Forfeiture Unit overall was quoted to the Standing Committee.

Poor leadership

On the same subject, the surprising failure by the President to sign into law the Financial Intelligence Centre Bill to fight money laundering in terms of international prudential agreements has represented a further setback. Hopefully this is only temporary since the country needs to join up the dots to encircle organised corrupt financial activity.

Worse, some government SOEs appear to conducting their own affairs without approval by Treasury. Cabinet members are involved. Witness the extraordinary offer made by the Central Energy Fund, reported in the media, to Chevron for its refinery in Cape Town and downstream activities in the form of 850 fuel outlets, presumably backed by the funds emanating from the sale of the Strategic Fuel Fund (SFF) reserves unauthorised by Treasury.

Upstream mayhem

Tesliso MaqubelaDDG Tseliso Maqubela of Department of Energy has now told the media that SFF sold the 10 million barrels of crude in storage in December at rock bottom price of $28 a barrel to a unit of Glencore, Vitol and a company called Taleveras. The condition of the sale was apparently, Maqubela said, “that the oil (will) not be exported and so the government considered it remaining as part of its strategic reserve stockpile.”

Shadow Minister of Energy, Pieter Van Dalen MP, citing Business Day, said the sale has been connected with Thebe Investment Corporation – “the ANC linked investment arm”, he added.   Vitol is the company that has allegedly bought the fuel stock and which owns Burgan Cape Terminals next to Chevron, the deal being linked by Van Dalen with Thebe for the building of its new storage tanks. Burger had just been awarded a 20-year lease by Transnet for land needed.

cape-town-harbourChevron brought to Parliament its case against Burger saying it was improper to build a new tank terminal next to its refinery for Burger to store oil for trading whilst they had no Transnet pipeline to Gauteng as did others from Durban but the chair of the portfolio committee accused Chevron of monopolistic behaviour. Subsequently the complaint was rejected. It was shortly after that Chevron announced its intention to sell its refinery.

Twisting path

Whether the Minister of Energy, Tina Joemat-Pettersson knew all of this when she appeared before the Portfolio Committee of Committee on Energy,tina-joematt her attendance covered in this report, is a moot point.   If she did know something, she is culpable in that she withheld the information, both from Parliament and possibly Treasury.

Alternatively, if she didn’t know that an offer was made to buy Chevron and that SFF had sold the state’s oil fund’s reserves to Swiss giant Vitol, possibly involving Thebe Investments, she should resign immediately as an incompetent.  Where the R4.4bn odd involved in the sale by SFF has landed up is not clear and when the oil will leave SFF’s Saldanha terminal and move to Burger in Cape Town is also not clear.

Clearly, in our view, this has been a major transaction known about at Cabinet level and the DA has called for an urgent enquiry. This will presumably bring the Asset Forfeitures Unit’s number of cases under investigation up to 79.   And so it goes on.  Tegeta and Eskom included.

Nothing but the truth

One senses a continuing cover up by government departments in reporting to Parliament for fear of upsetting any Minister’s apple cart, whereas Parliament should be a refuge of openness, accountability and public oversight on state activities and act as an arbiter to represent the people of South Africa.

vincent-smithIn the darkness, we saw a flash of light and a refreshing change when ANC MP, Vincent Smith, in grilling the Hawks as part of the Anti Corruption Unit interview, reminded them fiercely “This Is Parliament. If you cannot speak the truth, then do not speak at all.”  Whilst that remark may encapsulate the current problem, it may be also the cause of some Ministers and government officials choosing not to speak at all.

Legal jungles

Concurrent with the number of judicial enquiries into strange contracts, bad senior appointments, misuse of privileges and a litany of unaccountable expenditure without proper approval, what also has increased is the statement used by many when speaking to Parliament, including ministers, that the full facts cannot be given “because the matter is sub-judice”.

The number of matters that are sub-judice would not be so great if powers were given back the Treasury to re-assume its proper place in the parliamentary process.  Expenditure, if not approved by Treasury, would never see the light of day.

In conclusion

parliament 6Bad governance and corruption is the fodder that feeds the right wing anger sweeping the world and creates the spectacle that we see almost daily in our National Assembly, the creation of which institution is supposed to be one of the three pillars supporting the Constitution.

Previous articles on category subject

 Parliament, ConCourt and Business – ParlyReportSA

Parliament and the investment climate – ParlyReportSA

Anti-corruption law is watered down, say critics – ParlyReportSA

Nkandla vs NDP: the argument rages – ParlyReportSA

Parliament closes on sour note – ParlyReportSA

 

 

 

Posted in cabinet, Earlier Stories, Facebook and Twitter, Finance, economic, Fuel,oil,renewables, Home Page Slider, Justice, constitutional, LinkedIn, Public utilities, Special Recent Posts, Trade & Industry0 Comments

Government stirs on intellectual property plans

New approach to SA intellectual property 

……sent to clients Aug 1trademark logo6…. The Cabinet has agreed that a new intellectual property (IP) framework is needed and has asked that discussions commence with all stakeholders in order to set out a future IP policy for South Africa.

In 2013 the South African government released a draft IP policy which ran
into heavy weather because of ambiguities and anomalies at law. This previous attempt was rejected by Parliament.

dti-logo2Since that time, the private sector has complained of no movement from the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) on the subject, or even the Department of Justice and Constitutional Affairs.

Hidden agendas?

Suspicions existed that a lot more was written “between the lines” by DTI in the light of a feeling that government medical authorities, including the Minister of Health and a large number of public sector entities, were favouring the case for making it easier for generics to come on to the market in view of the wish to introduce national health insurance and cheaper medicines.

copyright graphicThe law courts, always sticklers in their respect for the international word of law, favoured, it seemed, external legal international precedent as the basis for a new approach.

Discussions with DTI surrounded their attitudes and their not so transparent views on the Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights agreement (TRIPS). However, that approach may have altered with DTI now more openly favouring Bi-lateral Trade Agreements (BITs).

Bad influence

In 2014, the whole question of IP policy became mired in controversy with a statement from a US-based lobby group based from Washington who surprised all by stating they were working with the local pharmaceutical
industry to influence the SA government and also the Department of Health (DOH) in particular in order to gain more ear to the international view. This was subsequently denied by the pharmaceutical world in SA (IPASA).

The whole matter appeared to inflame the incumbent Minister of Health, Dr Aaron Motsoaledi, who will no doubt be a key player in the new discussions.
After this the 2013 proposals seemed to fall away. Parliamentary hearings were at the time controversial, to say the least.

The major complaints boiled down to the fact that there were no time frames in the government proposals; no regulatory impact assessment had been done; and there was no appearance of a follow through of the effect of the Bill on international commercial ties.

Expert patent lawyers complained of ambiguity and lack of clarity at law.

Where it stood

After some heated debates at the time it appears that TRIPS, despite BITs copyright symboleven then being a new DTI “hobby horse”, has been respected by DTI and the generalised view accepted by most that there would be compulsory local patent registration based on a localised validity acceptance and acceptance by a localised body of all medicines dispensed. The query remained, however, on the skills available to undertake such a policy and time lags.

Whether the originally proposed patents tribunal will have final say in dispute or the High Court of SA will no doubt now be debated, as well as the critical issue of the length and duration of registered patents in a transparent manner with experts and a broad based body to represent the private sector.
As before, probably a “workshop” will be called for to air views.
Previous articles on category subject
Impasse on intellectual property rights – ParlyReportSA
Intellectual property law still in limbo – ParlyReportSA
Intellectual Property Laws Bill goes forward – ParlyReportSA
Medical and food intellectual property tackled – ParlyReportSA

Posted in Home Page Slider, Justice, constitutional, LinkedIn, Special Recent Posts, Trade & Industry0 Comments

Parliament awaits to hear from Cabinet

Same Parliament, same Cabinet, different mood

..editorial……Parliament has now resumed with the same Cabinet, the same 400 MPs, the same ANC Allianceparliament 6 majority instructed whips and the same names in the party benches but the ambiance is very different.     This subtle fact, however, matters little in the immediate future.   Legislation before the National Assembly (NA) will still be subject to a simple numbers game when it comes to voting. Well, almost.

In the case of a Section 76 Bill, that is a Bill that needs not merely the concurrence of that portion of the 400 MPs that sit in the NCOP but subject to full debate by all nine provinces and a mandate returned in favour or not, there might be the beginnings of healthier opposition. Power at local level has been emboldened since Parliament last met.

So far, matters of consequence have been that the Department of Energy has presented its REIPPP plan with support from most other than Eskom with no Minister present and the Mineral Resources Portfolio Committee has re-endorsed a revised Minerals and Petroleum  Resources Development Amendment Bill for process by the NCOP using its ANC majority. Again no Minister was present. Eskom will be presenting on this and matters regarding coal any day.

Old tricks

jacob zumaHowever, presuming the picture in Parliament stays as it is until the 2019 national election with Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma at the helm as President, it will be interesting to see what type and how much legislation is hammered through the NA by the ANC using the same old tactic of deploying party whips with threats of being moved down on the party list system for a total majority, timed last year in a rush just before a recess.

Notably, now in the case of three Bills sent for assent after being voted through, the three were not signed by President Zuma into law acting on legal advice.

With this trio now back with Parliament on the grounds of either suspected unconstitutionality and/or incorrect parliamentary procedure, the issue is now whether the coterie of Cabinet Ministers that surround the President, with Director Generals appointed by and who report to those Ministers, will take Parliament more seriously.

Not hearing

Good advice is not good advice when it comes in the form of a last minute warning not to put signature to any Bill thereby turning it into an Act of law. Plenty of such advice not do this in respect of a number of Bills was previously given during parliamentary portfolio committee debate, at parliamentary public hearings from affected institutions, business and industry and even earlier in public comment when the Bills were first published by gazette in draft form.

Similarly, the lesson seems not to be learnt in higher echelons that the independent regulatory entities are also not to be ignored – institutions from the Office of the Public Prosecutor to ICASA, from NERSA through to the board of the Central Energy Fund and from National Treasury to international courts, the UN and international bodies protecting human rights. Parliament is due to hear from ICASA any moment.

Most worrying, however, are the attempts to by-pass Treasury when presenting policy to Parliament. Ideological bullying can bankrupt a country in no time.

Such issues as Minister Aaron Motsoaledi’s National Health Insurance dream and Minister Joemat-Pettersson/President Jacob’s Zuma’s dream of six nuclear energy reactors – plans that the country should not possibly not countenance from a financial aspect – have neither been presented to Parliament in the proper national budget planning form or officially and financially endorsed.

Missing money details

Minister of Health, Aaron Motsoaledi, has gone as far as a White Paper to Parliament on the NHI and Minister Joemat-Pettersson has briefed Parliament on nuclear tendering. Treasury have said nothing about a financial plan in each case. Money is short, as evidenced by Treasury stepping in on the provisions for BEE preferential procurement. Somewhere there is a disconnect.

As for President Zuma’s continued pressure to bring traditional leaders into the equation with what amounts to two separate judicial systems and has even talked of the equivalent of four tiers of government – one therefore not even reporting to Parliament and certainly no idea of local government and nor subject to the PMFA  has its problems. President Zuma has used his ally, the Minister of Justice, to table the Traditional Courts Bill before Parliament. Opposition parties will walk out on that one, we are sure.

The Speaker of the House, Baleka Mbete, as part of the same coterie, has made a mild signal that the days of Cabinet maverick behaviour, even arrogance, towards Parliament and no respect for the separation of powers may be coming to an end. The SACP is clearly not happy. That is where the new ambiance felt in an unchanged Parliament may play an unofficial part and pressure may start building.

 
Previous articles on category subject
Parliament to open Aug 16 – ParlyReportSA
Parliament under siege – ParlyReportSA
Radical White Paper on NHI published – ParlyReportSA
Zuma’s nuclear energy call awaits Treasury – ParlyReportSA
Here it comes again…. the Traditional Courts Bill – ParlyReportSA

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International Arbitration Bill to replace BITs

Arbitration Bill gets SA in line with UNCTRAL …..

global trade graphicThe tabling of the International Arbitration Bill in Parliament will see ‘normalisation’ on a number of issues regarding arbitration between foreign companies operating in South Africa. This is if the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) policy recently expressed in Parliament by Minister of Trade and Industry, Rob Davies, is to be understood.

The Bill, as is the case with all international legal matters, will  be tabled by the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development according to a government notice recently published.      Not all investors are necessarily impressed however, some preferring state-to-state bilateral trade treaties (BITs).   South Africa is now adopting the broader approach adopted by some international countries, including China.

Allowing arbitration outside of local courts

As far as is understood, as non-legal observers, formal agreement on the allowance on arbitration proceduresarbitration according to agreed procedures between trading parties will be instituted and local court procedures can be avoided if so wished.  The fact that South Africa has also very recently announced the launch of the China Africa Joint Arbitration Centre (CAJAC), “symbolising the deepening economic relationship between China and African economies”, seems to provide a background to the proposed Bill.

The route now to be followed by South Africa, it appears, is one of a number of limited ways that can improve access to justice services for companies doing business outside the country and foreign companies operating in South Africa and this seems to be the basis of DTI thought on the matter.

Down the track

Legal advice is better followed but a draft Bill it would now appear is being concluded in parliamentary terms.

unictral 1Such arbitration methods have terms which are non-country-specific.  In terms of adoption, the standards of ethical conduct devised by the UN trade body, the UN Commission on International Trade Law (UNCTRAL) and its manifesto, according to the background of the draft Bill, have been included.

BITs on way out

International arbitration can then be operated,it is proposed, between companies or individuals in different states usually by including a provision for future disputes in a contract with UNCTRAL. This is the next stage of the DTI’s moves to finalize the policy of discontinuation of bi-lateral trade agreements (BITs) with individual countries. The whole issue is based upon disputes that may arise and the new Bill now before Parliament follows the new route, which may mollify those parties complaining of BITs discontinuation.

More importantly DTI states, it lines South Africa up with the Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration, which has been adopted by UNCTRAL.   This model law is not binding but individual states may adopt such legislation by incorporating it into their own domestic law, which is now proposed.

It is understood that the current legislation could bind South Africa as a UN member of UNCTRAL but the rules to be adopted are a separate issue at the moment and will govern individual companies in any dispute that may arise under the new circumstances.

Again, specialist advice should be sought on this whole subject.

Previous articles on category subject

Protection of Investment Bill finally passed – ParlyReportSA

Changes to Protection of Investment Bill – ParlyReportSA

Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill re-tabled

Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill opens up major row – ParlyReportSA

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Here it comes again…. the Traditional Courts Bill

Dubious motives ……..

justice minister masuthaMinister of Justice Michael Masutha is to re-table once again the Traditional Courts Bill setting up a parallel system of justice in rural areas,  he says.   Minister Masutha was appointed by President Zuma in May 2014 and this same Bill, known to have the President’s wishes behind it, was withdrawn last year in the form it was proposed. It was thought by many to have been scrapped.

Whether this is an election ploy or whether a draft will actually appear from the Ministry of Justice for public comment remains to be seen. Should it appear, in whatever shape and form, it will have to be debated as a Section 76 Bill by all nine provincial legislatures. At least five would have to approve it for the Bill to move forward from the NCOP to the National Assembly.

Gender insensitive

It was said at the time by the media when President Zuma originally withdrew the Bill that it had been proposedtraditional chiefs
as a trade-off with traditional leaders to get rural support. The Bill then was perceived as chauvinistic by many and was certainly frowned up by legal professionals as a distinct attempt to set up two legal systems and was therefore constitutionally unacceptable.

Lulu Xingwana, at that particular time Minister of Women, Children and People with Disabilities, said the proposals “took the issue of women’s rights back into medieval times”. Her ministry was subsequently closed down.

Unexpectedly, the incumbent Minister of Justice, before his 2015/6 budget vote debated just before Parliament went into recess, told a parliamentary media briefing that he intended to re-introduce the Bill as “a priority”. He added. “We are working with representatives from traditional leadership and civil society to take this process forward, with a view to introducing the Bill in June.”

Majority provinces voted against

butheleziDr Mangosuthu Buthelezi, in his capacity as leader of the IFP, said of the old Bill when it was debated by all nine provinces, that five provinces had put in votes to scrap the proposals entirely, two would not make a decision and only two were in favour. Even then, said Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the two in favour did not support all the Bill’s provisions. In the end, he noted, the Bill did not even get past parliamentary committee stage in the NCOP.

“Its demise marked a major victory for rural people who had opposed it”, he said.    Mangosuthu Buthelezi’s view was that the Bill would bring oppression by traditional and unaccountable leaders many of whom were apartheid appointees. “It would have meant also the resuscitation of some of the boundaries of the old Bantustans”, he added.

Four tiers of govt

Chief Buthelezi also noted at the time that the Bill would mean that chiefs would become a fourth tier of government, something the country could ill afford. The Minister of Justice’s next move should be to gazette a draft for public comment.

Previous articles on category subject
President Zuma determined to push Traditional Courts Bill – ParlyReportSA
Zuma goes for traditional support with expropriation – ParlyReportSA

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Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill welcomed

hendrik krugerLegislation to be sifted for red tape….

In what appears to be a carbon copy of what has been achieved notably in Australia and to a lesser extent in some ten other countries, DA MP Hendrik Kruger has introduced a refreshing draft private member’s bill, simply called the Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill.

Hon. Kruger serves on both Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Small Business Development and the Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry Committee and his service therefore as a member of Parliament would indicate that he knows what he is talking about.

Regulatory Impact Assessments have been considered and skirted around for years in South Africa but the terminology “red tape” indicates a more direct approach that has been adopted towards this crippling issue for small business and the farming community.    It should go a long way towards assisting business and investment if applied in a generalised manner.

Magic words

lawyerbriefsThe preamble to Bill states its aim as legislation “to provide, inter alia, for the assessment of regulatory measures developed by the executive, legislatures and self-regulatory bodies, in order to determine and reduce red tape and the cost of red tape for businesses.”

A copy of the draft Red Tape Impact Assessment Bill and a memorandum setting out its intentions are obtainable by simply going into the Internet where a copy in Word is available. Comment is now called for in terms of the rules of the National Assembly since it is a private member’s bill.

Such is introduced with the permission of the Speaker of the House resulting in submissions to Parliament itself. Probably hearings will also be called after the Bill is properly tabled.

The detail

The description of the Bill is summarized as follows: – “To provide for the assessment of regulatory measures developed by the executive, the legislatures and self-regulatory bodies in all three spheres of government, in order for them to detect and reduce red tape and the cost of red tape for businesses.”

Also, the promoters say, it is to provide for the establishment of administrative units to assist in the red tape impact assessment process and to prepare red tape impact statements. This unit should provide assistance to businesses in overcoming red tape challenges and carry out “mapping exercises” for the preparation of red tape impact statements for a regulator to pronounce upon.

fin 24In an interview with Fin24, Hendrik Kruger gave an example of how the Bill would work. “Take the Small Business Act” he said, “They are going to have to unpack it, assess it and see what the actual impact is of red tape on small business.” Mapping as a process involves going through the whole Bill and stating the red tape impact of each requirement or clause with one aim.…the cost of the Bill to business, he said.

He quoted an example. “If they say you must go twice a year to SARS office to get a tax clearance certificate, then they will cost that action. Then they will say, alright it cost let’s say R1000. But there’s about 100 000 small businesses in South Africa, so just to get a tax certificate once a year costs business 100 million bucks.”

“Tax certificates are important”, he acknowledged, “but if we do it every second year, then we save R50m from the GDP that’s previously been wasted. Can you see the enormous cost nationally, something we don’t know at the moment?,” he asked the interviewer on Fin24.   “Government just says, go get a tax certificate. Bu

parliamentary library

parliamentary library

t to tell all of that national cost to an individual official is a bit of a problem, so we must legislate for it.”

Red tape in Oz

Christian Porter, the MP who introduced a similar private member’s Bill to the Australian Parliament in Canberra claimed that “the bulk repeal of regulations introduced by the Attorney-General, was likely to repeal over 10,000 legislative instruments and over 1,800 Acts of Parliament”.

In Australia it appears that the legislation was more over-arching, with a rule claiming that regulation should not be the default option for policy makers but rather the policy option offering the greatest net benefit.

red tapeThe Australian Bill also referred to the cost burden in that every substantive regulatory policy change must be the subject of a Regulation Impact Statement; that regulators must consult in a genuine and timely way with affected businesses, community organisations and individuals; policy makers must consult with each other to avoid creating cumulative or overlapping regulatory burdens.

Also the Australian version stated that the information upon which policy makers base their decisions must be published at the earliest opportunity; regulators must implement regulation with common sense, empathy and respect and all regulation must be periodically reviewed to test its continuing relevance.   The Australian government claims that in fact some A$2,5bn has been saved through these measures since September 2013.

Outcomes

Western Australian Mines and Petroleum Minister Bill Marmion put it well when he remarked that when introducing the same sort of state Bill in mining regulations, that whilst “cutting red tape” has strong political appeal, the broader, more significant objective is to ensure laws and regulations respond to economic, social and environmental demands and that regulations operate as effectively and efficiently as possible.

South Africa named

Insofar as SA is concerned, both the IMF and World Bank have both stated the “cost of doing business in South law south africaAfrica is unnecessarily high” but the relation between the necessity for a regulation and business cost of such a move has never been formulated, records show.

In his interview with Fin 24, Kruger said that the average government staff member has never really heard of the expression ‘cost of doing business’ and has little perception of what this means “to the outside world.”

Commentators at this stage have indicated that across party lines reaction to this Bill might be favourable and have said it might be the time for business and industry to rather relate the term ‘cost of doing business’ to more straight forward terminology such as cost in terms of loss of jobs.

Previous articles on category
Licensing of Businesses Bill re-emerges – ParlyReportSA

Business Interests Bill to expose government corruption – ParlyReportSA

Minister Davies withdraws Licensing of Businesses Bill

Licensing of Businesses Bill to set norms – ParlyReportSA

 

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Parliament: National Assembly traffic jam

editorial…….

Massive public service vs National Assembly…..

During the last few weeks, the sheer volume of meetings in the National Assembly of Parliament to consider eachnational assembly members government departmental budget vote and each of the departmental five-year strategic plans has been overwhelming. Little of legislative consequence emerges during such a period each year, other than the tabling of technocrat Bills rather than important policy making legislation.

Sadly to say, not too much attention is paid by the media to any of these meetings. Big plans, impressive targets, promises to overhaul this, that and the other. Most working journalists of experience have seen it all before and mostly they try to get statements on issues from either the Minister or Deputy Minister beforehand.

Time is of the essence for all. But why is this period of the parliamentary diary so extraordinarily busy?

Traffic jam in Parliament

There is unfortunately a simple answer. With too many people trying to do too much in limited government hours, the resulting traffic jam results from the fact that South Africa has probably one of the largest government structures per head of population in the world, if not the largest. If it was one of the best, as far as delivery was concerned, probably this might be acceptable but sadly it isn’t and most, both locally and internationally, know it.

unionbldgsIn the fight that has now started to prune costs, moving Parliament from Cape Town to Pretoria has been suggested on the basis that this might save considerable airfare costs, time spent sitting in aircraft and train seats when the country needs one’s administrative time in the office and pointless time spent on hotel accommodation honing up on the next day’s parliamentary presentation.

However, all of this is only a manifestation of the real problem and it does not answer the question of why Parliament is so busy at this time of year.

Odious comparisons

Minister of Finance, Pravin Gordhan is obviously in an extremely embarrassing position. He must realize himself that the Cabinet to which he belongs is arguably one the largest in the world evidenced by the fact that whilst there are thirty-five very highly paid ministers in the South African Cabinet, the USA has a “cabinet” of sixteen. China pushes it a bit with twenty-five and India manages one of the biggest populations in the world with twenty-three.

It all becomes slightly ludicrous when an additional thirty-seven Deputy Ministers are weighed in to Team South Africa.

Wrong ratio

Down the line and aside from the cost of running all these ministries, the thirty-five departments belonging toparliament mandela statue these Ministers, accompanied by some seventeen of the larger SOEs, must all report to a totally disproportionate number of MPs in Parliament, both in the portfolio committees in the National Assembly and the select committees in the NCOP.

Hence the parliamentary traffic jam at this time of year. All this at the cost of quality oversight (the job of Parliament) and the slowing down of urgently needed legislation. Meanwhile, the number of MPs is governed by the Constitution. The number of cabinet ministers and departments (and consequently the ballooning public service) is governed by the President.

The answer to the parliamentary traffic jam problem and the imperilled and much-needed cost saving exercise in terms of the Budget is therefore really a complete no-brainer.
Previous articles on category subject
The big SA cabinet crunch – ParlyReportSA
Special cabinet statement might correct damage to SA – ParlyReportSA

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Protected Disclosures Bill: employer to be involved

New Protected Disclosures Bill ups protection….

sent to clients 21 January……The Portfolio Committee on Justice and Constitutional Affairs will shortly be debating the recently tabled Protected Disclosures Amendment Bill which proposes a duty or responsibwhisleblower policyility on employers to explain and inform employees on the procedures for dealing with a whistle-blower’s disclosure and consequent issues surrounding.

The new Bill also makes it a clear requirement that employees should be informed by the employer that they are “entitled to exercise certain remedies if they are subjected to an occupational detriment as a result of having made protected disclosures”. Clearly, intimidation of the whistle blower is still the object of concern and still an issue.

The term “occupational detriment” is now to encompass any potential “detrimental behaviour suffered by those who previously fell outside of the scope of the Act”. It is also proposed that the definition of “disclosure” be amended.

Definition to include “workers”

An important feature of the new Bill is that the definition of a whistle-blower is also extended to in include “workers” rather than just employees. This therefore includes a person who has “worked” on the premises, i.e. to ensure that independent contractors, consultants, agents and persons working or who have worked for the State are included.

The Bill also seeks to re-define the expression “occupational detriment” to include an employee or worker being subjected to any civil claim for the alleged breach of a duty of confidentiality or a confidentiality agreement arising out of the disclosure of a criminal offence.

A clause states that if “occupational detriment derived from disclosure is proved in a court of law, employers will have to pay compensation or damages to the employee or worker.” Whistle blowers will be excused from criminal justice, it seems.

Law reform overview 

The Mlaw booksinister states in the objectives of the new The Protected Disclosures Amendment Bill, now to be debated in Parliament, that the changes emanate from the South African Law Reform Commission’s report on protected disclosures. The Bill will “empower employees to approach the court for relief in the face of detrimental behaviour shown towards them by employers” and “employees and workers will also be immune from civil and criminal liability flowing from a disclosure that reveals criminal activity.”

False whistle-blowing

However, it is to be noted that in reverse, as it were, should an employee knowingly or believing the information not to be true, disclose false information they will be guilty of an offence and on conviction is liable to a fine or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding two years or both.

The draft of the current Bill was published by the Minister for public comment in July last year, the purpose of the Act itself being to set down the procedure for disclosing unlawful behaviour in the workplace by both private and public sector employees and how such disclosure is to be protected.
Previous articles on category subject
Protected Disclosures Act: More whistleblower cover – ParlyReportSA

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Parliament: New legislation recently tabled

New legislation in the pipeline….

Sent to clients 16 Dec…… Of particular interest as far as new legislation is concerned affecting commerce, business and industry, Cabinet has approved a new draft Insurance Bill for tabling in Parliament.

In the same manner that “Twin Peaks” regulation has come to the finance and investment world, the Billmotor crash is intended to provide “a consolidated legal framework for the prudential supervision of the insurance sector that is consistent with international standards for the industry.”

It particularly focuses on risk management, capital and governance requirements and changes substantially both the Long-term Insurance and the Short-term Insurance Acts of 1998 relating to prudential supervision matters.

Lynne Brown refining public utilities

A draft African Exploration Mining and Finance Bill establishes this body, previously part of the public enterprises portfolio, as a legal entity in its own right, defines its mandate and sets out its strategic objectives. Minister Lynne Brown included this information in a recent briefing to the media on the Department of Public Enterprises annual report.

Whistleblower protection

Cabinet approved the introduction of the Protected Disclosures Amendment Bill, yet a further amending Bill to the Protected Disclosures Act of 2000. To the informed in the human resources profession, the amendments regulate joint liability; introduce a duty to investigate disclosures; provide for immunity against civil and criminal liability in certain circumstances; and criminalise intentional false disclosures.

The Bill contributes to government’s commitment to fight fraud and corruption by strengthening the protection of whistleblowers, said a cabinet statement on the subject.

Collecting the money

e-tollIn the transport world, Cabinet approved the introduction to Parliament in Cape Town of the Administrative Adjudication of Road Traffic Offences Amendment Bill which will “assist the Road Traffic Infringement Agency and the issuing authorities to be financially stable, and also introduces efficiencies in serving notices to infringers.”   Those in Gauteng will know a lot more about this.

Utilities: Who appoints whom

Of passing interest is the submission of a Broadcasting Amendment Bill to Parliament attempting to stabilise corporate governance and bring accountability to the state as the main shareholder and provide Parliament with greater ability to carry out oversight. If only Minister Lynne Brown’s draft Shareholder Management Bill proposals could be applied in this sector, the issue of appointing board members impartially might gain traction.

Cleaning up the Act

Also an amending Bill to the Films and Publications Act has been tabled which contains re-wording of many matters, particularly so far as the Internet is concerned, and the introduction of the “penalties” by a tribunal now set up, the composition of Penalty Committee being interesting.

This will (to paraphrase only slightly) “shall consist of four members, including a chairperson, who dark imagemust be a judge or retired judge of the High Court of South Africa an advocate or attorney with at least 10 years of appropriate experience;a magistrate or retired magistrate with at least 10 years appropriate experience; or a lecturer of law or a retired lecturer of law of a South African University with at least ten years appropriate experience.”

Four other members of the Penalty Committee shall have experience in or knowledge of any one or more of the following matters…law; law enforcement; regulatory matters; film, games, publications, arts, literature; or sentencing.”

The wording insofar as far as the last four members seems extraordinary clumsy.

Health Institute underway at last

aaron motsolaediTwo new health draft Bills are out for comment from the Department of Health (DOH).    Firstly a Bill to provide for the establishment for the long talked about National Public Health Institute (NAPHISWA); the preamble to the Bill stating that this entity will consolidate existing disease and injury surveillance; provide specialised public health services; institute public health interventions and provide training and research directed towards the major health challenges affecting South Africa.

Some idea of the strategy can be obtained from the composition of its board which is to include, other than the usual officials from DOH at senior DOH level, four specialists communicable diseases; non-communicable diseases; cancer surveillance; and injury and violence prevention. There will also be a member from a university school of health.

Secondly, a draft health Bill further amending the National Health Laboratory Service Act is also out for comment.

Other issues

Submissions were to be in on a draft Debt Collectors Amendment Bill by 30 November, so the finally revised version is to be expected to be tabled some time soon.

Similarly, the draft Carbon Tax Bill was out for comment until 15 December, and with COP21 in mind,carbontax1 the media statement issued at the time by Treasury stated that “a carbon tax seeks to price carbon by obliging the polluter to internalise the external costs of emitting carbon, and contribute towards addressing the harm caused by such pollution.”

No doubt the Budget 2016 will have this and other tax matters in tax portion of the Minister’s March presentation, if not before as a Money Bill.   As far as public comments were concerned, Treasury said it would take into account in the final Bill to Parliament comments received in writing; from meetings and workshops; “and from a wide range of stakeholders including business, NGOs, academia, civil society and labour.” They also wanted comment on “the design and technical details of the carbon tax policy itself and administration.”

parliament 6Parliament will then issue its own invitation for hearings before the standing Committee on Finance but whether any further debate will enable changes to be made rather depend on whether, as a tax Bill, the document is classified as a Money Bill or not.

However, it could be important for any submissions to be made on this invitation round, since whilst Parliament cannot alter a Money Bill, if it is one, but Treasury can after a re-think.

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